Little et al., (1971) define citizen feedback as information from citizens directed to societal institutions, particularly government, to improve their functioning. Citizen feedback can further be categorized into service feedback, which includes inquiries, requests, complaints, and involvement feedback, which includes opinions, suggestions, and volunteering. There is a great dissonance between the amount of service feedback available to government organizations and its use in development and improvement of public services and policies. There is literature available that suggests governments use of social media for collecting citizen feedback. But very little research has been done to study that government organizations analyze direct communication to collect citizen feedback and what ICT tools they use or would like to use. This becomes even more relevant in countries with high eGovernment maturity with more availability of service feedback through a combination of traditional and newer channels. Therefore, this study investigates the above-mentioned research problem by answering the following two related research questions: 1) How do Swedish public organizations gather and utilize the wealth of information about citizens' needs available in the direct communication from citizens to public organizations? A) is the content of the direct communication between citizens and public organizations actionable? B) And is the volume of the communication sufficient to make it actionable 2) What kind of ICT tool support the public organizations would like to have in order to better utilize the aforementioned information? For the study, semi-structured interviews were conducted with six public officers from Swedish public organizations. The respondents were individuals working within customer relations departments of public organizations in Sweden. The respondents were not only involved in the registration, collection, analysis, and resolution of customer inquiries but also in improvement of processes and services. The interviews were conducted in Swedish, recorded and transcribed, and the transcripts were translated into English. The transcripts were then analyzed in the form of a thematic analysis following the principles of Braun & Clarke (2006). The analysis led to the discovery of five themes namely 1) Types of inquiries 2) Frequent inquiries 3) Contact channels 4) Utilization of direct communication 5) ICT tool support The study highlights the various ways in which Swedish public organizations gather and utilize service feedback. In the gathering phase, multiple channels are offered to citizens. The use of traditional channels remain high for the problem area of information supply. In the utilization phase, various strategies are used depending on eGovernment maturity. Every public organization is required to maintain a “diarium” because of laws on record keeping for transparency purposes, it is a common tool for registering citizen inquiries, and also a source for annual performance and quality reporting. Additionally, LIME CRM system is used by some organizations, citizen opinions received through webforms is analysed, phone calls recorded and analysed. Lack of alignment is a challenge for some public organizations. There is little evidence to suggest that data from various sources is integrated into a centralized CRM system, leading to insight into citizen preferences, behavior or trends.

Högdalen—Rågsved experiences a breakpoint of change which brings the definition of the ideal city and who is included or excluded to the negotiation table. Conflictual commons are the spaces used as common resources which becomes actualized for contestation.  With organized movements and walking experiences, I explore conflicts over commons and look into actors involved, what understanding of space they act from, where maintenance responsibility is put and which scales is perceived as relevant.

Volunteer pruning programs are becoming an important tool in helping municipal arborists manage the urban forest. To find if volunteers can learn to prune trees well, the ability of volunteers to prune small trees after receiving training was assessed in three different ways, a written exam, a pruning prescription assessment, and a pruning cut assessment. Volunteers were assigned to either an indoor, lecture-based training or an outdoor, hands-on training session. After the training volunteers were asked to complete a written exam to gauge their understanding of the curriculum. Volunteers were then asked to perform a pruning prescription on small street trees indicating where they would prune to remove structural issues and branches growing into signs and walkways. Finally, volunteers were asked to make a removal cut and reduction cut using hand pruners. Volunteers who received indoor training performed significantly better on the written exam. Both training groups performed well on the pruning prescription assessment. At each location, volunteers who received the outdoor training scored significantly higher than the indoor group on their pruning prescription. The type of training received did not affect a volunteer’s ability to make good pruning cuts. These results indicate that, given proper training, volunteers can learn to prune small trees to the satisfaction of an arborist.

The purpose of this study is to investigate how Gällivare municipality have planned for the participation of Malmberget’s citizens during the town’s relocation process. The study will be based on Gällivare municipality’s two most recent detailed comprehensive plans that involve Malmberget. The selected planning documents will be analysed via a qualitative text analysis in which all occurrences of citizen participation found will be presented in this essay. The citizen participation that has occurred during the period that the two detailed comprehensive plans cover will then be analysed using Sherry Arnstein’s Ladder of Citizen participation. The purpose of this analysis is to discuss the citizen participation used during the planning processes. The citizen participation was analysed using Arnstein’s ladder of citizen participation. The analysed citizen participation can be described as tokenism due to uncertain and inconsistent information presented by Gällivare municipality to the citizens.

Truly unique and innovative solutions are needed to resolve today's complex and controversial environmental issues (e.g., biodiversity loss, global warming, cultural evolution, etc.). In response to these concerns, a variety of applied science programs have emerged to help people make better decisions about the environment. Each of these programs (e.g., conservation biology, restoration ecology, sustainable forestry, environmental toxicology, and others) produces specialized knowledge that is used to achieve specific social and environmental goals. For example, the peer-reviewed, scientific analyses published in Conservation Biology are most likely concerned with the goal of preserving biological diversity, whereas the equally scientific and respected analyses published in Forest Science are most likely concerned with the goal of sustaining timber yields. Likewise, studies in environmental toxicology investigate risks to human health by environmental pollutants, while stud! ies in ecological restoration serve to maximize the integrity of natural systems. Unfortunately, these diverse forms of knowledge offer multiple and often conflicting ways of thinking about the environment. Public ecology is a response to this dilemma. The primary goal of public ecology is construct common ground between people's diverse beliefs and values for the environment. Toward this end, public ecology is an interdisciplinary and collaborative approach to environmental science and politics. Public ecology integrates perspectives from the social and natural sciences, the humanities, and public understandings of the environment. Public ecology is not only a cross-cultural and comparative form of environmental studies, it is also a citizen science that encourages all concerned stakeholders to participate with research specialists, technical experts, and professional decision-makers in developing creative solutions to persistent environmental problems. / Ph. D.

This paper analyzes the role of both cooperative and oppositional modes of citizen participation in public decision making related to waste facility siting. Politicians, bureaucrats, and waste industry representatives embrace participatory planning as an equitable and efficient solution to the waste siting dilemma. Ideally, citizen involvement in waste planning would foster solutions both environmentally and economically satisfactory to all stakeholders. To date, however, no clear consensus exists over the instrumental objectives of participatory planning. Participatory planning encompasses a wide spectrum of activities ranging from coalition-building to grassroots development. The broad use of the term “participation” complicates efforts to distinguish between those planning activities which are co-optive and those which are participatory. Guided by two critical questions (‘who’ and ‘why’), the first section of this paper proposes a ‘people centered’ conceptual framework for defining the instrumental goals of participation and for differentiating between co-optive and participatory planning. In the second and third sections, I present a comparative case study of the two predominant modes of participation (cooperative oppositional) currently operating in the United State’s waste facility siting crisis. I use a ‘people centered’ conceptual framework to show that the current cooperative participatory approaches to waste facility siting serve more to facilitate citizen co-optation than participation. I further demonstrate that the grassroots oppositional movement against waste facility siting represents successful participation on the part of the citizens in the face of co-optive attempts on the part of the state and the waste industry. / Master of Urban Affairs

Dogs have been used alongside humans as detection tools for centuries. There have been a multitude of studies published that demonstrate the accuracy and utility of detection dogs, more specifically conservation scent detection dogs. With ubiquitous agricultural threats in the United States, there is a need for a tool to help decrease the threat level. Pet dogs could be the answer. There are millions of pet dogs in the United States and with the success of the dog sport nose work there is the potential to use pet dogs as detection tools. In this proof-of-concept study, six pet dogs were trained to detect the spotted lanternfly. The dogs completed a training phase and five tests. The mean sensitivity of the six dogs, for the five tests, was 79.75%. The mean PPP of the six dogs, for all five tests, was 66.79%. The results suggest that these six dogs could be beneficial detection tools for the Spotted Lanternfly. Based on the findings in this study, pet dogs could be invaluable in the field of conservation scent detection. / Master of Science / Dogs have been used alongside humans as detection tools for centuries. There have been a multitude of studies published that demonstrate the accuracy and utility of detection dogs, more specifically conservation scent detection dogs. With ubiquitous agricultural threats in the United States, there is a need for a tool to help decrease the threat level. Pet dogs could be the answer. There are millions of pet dogs in the United States and with the success of the dog sport nose work there is the potential to use pet dogs as detection tools. In this proof-of-concept study, six pet dogs were trained to detect the spotted lanternfly. The dogs completed a training phase and five tests. The mean sensitivity, or proportion of correct detections, of the six dogs, for the five tests, was 79.75%. The mean PPP, or likelihood it is that the source of odor is present when a dog offers an alert; of the six dogs, for all five tests, was 66.79%. The results suggest that these six dogs could be beneficial detection tools for the Spotted Lanternfly. Based on the findings in this study, pet dogs could be invaluable in the field of conservation scent detection.

In the ever-evolving landscape of health systems, citizen advocacy stands as a tool for influencing policy aiming to strengthen health systems. This dissertation delves into the multifaceted nature of health policy advocacy and how citizen advocates can leverage research evidence in addition to the commonly used emotional messaging to influence policy. The first study is a critical interpretive synthesis (CIS), creating a theoretical framework that helps us understand the roles of citizen health policy advocates and their relation to research evidence. The second study is a multiple-case study that examines the approaches taken by citizen-serving NGOs in their advocacy training and whether and how research evidence is incorporated into the training. The third study is a qualitative descriptive study that explores citizens' experiences participating in these training modules and their perceptions of factors affecting the incorporation of research evidence in the training. In Chapter 2, we included 32 publications in the CIS, and four thematic groups were identified, including the roles of citizen health policy advocates, how research evidence could support them and the facilitators and barriers to their use of research evidence. In Chapter 3, we conducted a documentary review of 27 documents and interviewed 16 staff and board members of three organizations that provide advocacy training to citizen advocates. In Chapter 3, we interviewed 14 citizens who participated in the training of the three organizations. v The first study outlined how citizens could use research evidence and its importance to their advocacy roles, while the last two studies provide an understanding of how citizen-serving organizations offer training to citizen advocates and whether, how, and under what conditions they include research evidence in training. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / Advocacy is an effective way to influence policies in democratic societies. One of those areas that are influenced by policy advocacy is health systems. Citizens who advocate for improving their health systems often rely on personal emotional messages rather than peer-reviewed research evidence. This dissertation tries to understand why this is the case and how research evidence can support those citizens. We also explore the factors that encourage or hinder citizens from using research evidence in health policy advocacy. We then examine three citizen-serving organizations that support citizens with advocacy training and explore how they support the trainees to use research evidence in advocacy. We also examine the experiences of citizens who participated in those training sessions and how they perceive the utility of research evidence in their advocacy to strengthen their health systems.

This case study focuses on a housing improvement policy in England aimed at low-income neighborhoods, and the participatory process that exists to affect that policy. The research explores factors which affected the participatory process and as a consequence, policy outcomes in two London boroughs (local governments). The recipients of the housing policy in both boroughs are low-income, working-class residents, yet one borough council is controlled by the Labour Party and the other is controlled by the Conservative Party. Based on arguments made in the literature on the prerequisites to participation, it was expected that because Labour decision-makers are supposedly more politically and socially congruent with these residents and their interests than Conservative decision-makers, that there would be greater likelihood for the decision-making process to be open to participation, and thus more responsive to the needs and expectations of the residents within the Labour borough. Findings indicated that the participatory process was generally the same in both boroughs and that decision-makers in the Labour borough were no more tolerant of or responsive to the residents' needs and demands than were those in the Conservative borough. The process of participation yielded similar results in both boroughs. Using a comparative case study method, this research explores reasons why the process and results were more similar than dissimilar. Where different results were achieved by the resident groups, they were mainly due to differences in the existence and quality of resident leadership. / M.U.A.

Maintaining current and future infrastructure will require smart practices to help better meet user needs with fewer financial resources. The recent adoption of information communication technologies, such as, 311-call centers enables city agencies to detect and more quickly respond to real-time infrastructure system service disruptions and maintenance requests. Of the 200 or more cities that use 311, New York City's system is the largest, receiving more than 19.5 million citizen requests since 2010. Current citizen service requests made through 311 range from issues about street and sidewalk conditions to problems with their water, sanitation, snow removal, and traffic congestion. In the first manuscript, service requests were compared to socio-economics within zip codes. Zip codes were clustered by four socio-economic variables including median house value, percent of the population with a bachelor's degree, unemployment rate, and percent non-white to represent socio-economic differences between zones in the city. Results show that citizens from low socio-economic areas, meaning those with low median house values, low population with a bachelor's degree, high unemployment, and high percent non-white are burdened with significantly more infrastructure maintenance requests. When controlling for physical differences such as miles of road, total frequency of calls, and the number of people per zip code, people from low socio-economic zones are more likely to call about issues related to street conditions, sanitation, and their water system. In the second manuscript, service request response time by agency were compared based on location and socio-economic variables. The location of the call based on borough and the socio-economic characteristics of the zip code do significantly influence agency response time. Citizens reporting issues in Queens can expect to wait significantly longer, about 3 days more, to receive a response for a similar request in other boroughs of New York City. This is for issues about water, sewer, traffic lights, and street condition. The Department of Transportation, Department of Sanitation, and the New York Police Department respond significantly faster to service requests in zones classified with high and middle socio-economic groups compared to zip codes with low socio-economic groups of people. These differences in geography and socio-economic characteristics suggest unequal treatment of maintenance issues. These differences in response may expose an implicit bias in maintenance response. By recognizing these differences, city engineers can begin to prioritize maintenance issues based on how communities perceive infrastructure in need of repair, and thus better meet the needs of individual citizens in the future. / Master of Science / Infrastructure includes systems including buildings, roads, water/wastewater, trash, and various other networks that facilitate citizens everyday lives. These infrastructure systems will always require maintenance in order to keep it running effectively and efficiently. Using smart and sustainable practices in this process can help better meet user needs, while saving more money. Using more technology such as 311-call centers can allow cities to detect and more quickly respond to real-time infrastructure disruptions and maintenance issues. 311 call centers receive calls about anything from street condition problems such as potholes to problems with their drinking water. Of the 200 or more cities that use 311, New York City’s system is the largest, receiving more than 20 million citizen requests since 2010. The first manuscript looks into what certain types of people call about. Using zip codes, areas of the city were grouped together based on four socio-economic variables; median house value, percent of the population with a bachelor’s degree, unemployment rate, and percent non-white. People from low socio-economic areas, meaning those with low median house values, low population with a bachelor’s degree, high unemployment, and high percent non-white call more about infrastructure maintenance requests. When controlling for physical aspects of these areas such as miles of road, total amount of calls, and the number of people per zip code, people from low socio-economic areas are more likely to call about issues related to street conditions, sanitation, and their water system. The second manuscript looks into how long it takes government agencies to respond and resolve these calls. The location of the call based on location in the city and the socio-economic characteristics of the zip codes have an effect on agency response time. People reporting issues in Queens can expect to wait much longer, about 3 days more, to receive a response for a similar issue called from another borough of New York City. The Department of Transportation, Department of Sanitation, and the New York Police Department respond significantly faster to service requests in areas with high and middle socio-economic status groups compared to zip codes with low socio-economic groups of people. By knowing that location and socio-economic status matter when citizens call 311, city engineers can begin to use this data to help prioritize maintenance issues based on specific areas and needs of individual people in the future. These differences in location and socio-economic characteristics could possibly suggest unequal treatment of maintenance issues. However, since the differences seen in this research are with only certain variables accounted for, further research will be needed to help show possible causation for these differences.