Abstract The study is aim to analyze the relationships among organizational commitment, organizational citizenship behavior, and performance via ETTV case study. Further to this study, we would like to see what role of organizational citizenship behavior as a mediator would be. The empirical study adopts method of questionnaire that 100% return rate was hit while 260 question books were counted. The data were statistically analyzed with SPSS 13.0 Windows version, which include descriptive analysis, factor analysis, reliability test, Parsons Correlation analysis, and multiple regression analysis. The study concludes as following points through empirical analysis: First, trait of media industry: hard work has much more influence than mental adhesion to organization. Stronger adhesion to organization does not amount to job promotion. However, hard work improves job skills so that one could have better performance. Second, time critical in media industry: the media industry is highly time critical. Ahead of others means outstanding performance. Third, helpful to colleagues and scrupulous in job requirement show no significance to their performance. Fourth, limit of job requirements: in an environment that only emphasizes experienced skills and job functions, adhesion to organization is not only out of management¡¦s attention but also performance review. Fifth, the empirical study shows that organizational commitment along with mediator of organizational citizenship behavior reveal positive relation to performance. Key Words: Organizational commitment, Organizational citizenship behavior, Performance.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Political Science, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Notre Dame, 2004. / Thesis directed by David Soloman and Paul J. Weithman for the Department of Philosophy. "January 2004." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 312-314).

This dissertation analyzes the pluralist religious claims that ethnically and racially diverse Muslim American communities make on the public and political culture of Hamtramck, Michigan. These claims include appeals for recognition, such as in a campaign for municipal approval to issue the call to prayer. They involve bids for resources, such as the use of public funds to establish alternative Muslim-majority public education institutions. They entail struggles for representation, such as political interventions into LGBTQ-rights debates to safeguard a “traditional” moral order in the city. The study also examines how transnational Islamic frameworks for organizing gender and public space influence the civic engagement strategies of South Asian and Arab American Muslim women respectively, in ways that sometimes challenge dominant gendered spatial norms. With this, the study explores women’s leadership in mosques and religious study circles, examining how gender and generation shape female religious authority, and also present opportunities for women to cross racial, class, and ethnic lines within the city. Postulating a charged, dynamic and mutually constitutive connection between the development of religious, racial, and ethnic identities and the production urban space, the study analyzes how individual and collective forms of minority identity find expression in urban public and political projects, and how liberal secular frameworks in turn condition the production of minority religious sensibilities, affiliations, and practices in American cities. In analyzing how these dynamics shape civic life and local politics, the study approaches Hamtramck as a "post-secular city," or a zone of interchange and heterogeneity in which religious, secular, and humanistic frames of reference converge to configure new possibilities for urban change. This work advances interdisciplinary scholarship on how religion impacts the civic engagement of immigrants and minorities; on how gender systems are preserved, challenged, or transformed in migration; and on how diverse communities living in close proximity negotiate conflicting ideas about the common good. / text

Since the 1990s, a corpus of Arabic literary narratives has appeared that stage Europe from the perspective of forced migrants. This literature on refugees, asylum seekers, and clandestine migrants articulates central problems of migration to Europe in a period of migration policy reform in response to globalization. In this dissertation, I analyze a selection of Arabic and francophone North African literary narratives, including Mahmoud al-Bayaty's 2006 "Dancing on Water", Iqbal Qazwini's 2006 "Zubaida’s Window", Farouq Yousef's 2007 "Nothing and Nobody", Hamid Skif's 2006 "The Geography of Danger", Youssef Fadel's 2000 "Hashish", and Mahi Binebine's 1999 "Welcome to Paradise". This study is situated at the intersection of forced migration studies and Arabic literary studies. As the effort to standardize European migration policy and manage migration has increased states' power to filter and exclude, the human rights framework of migration policy has weakened (Fekete 2009; Menz 2008). Such shifts represent an intensification of what Michel Foucault calls "biopolitics," modern states' propensity to manage populations by producing belonging and exclusion (Foucault 2003). Literature of migration has become an important vehicle for reflecting on the ways that migration policies produce belonging and exclusion in contemporary Europe. Literature of forced migration requires modes of analysis that differ from the more modernist notions of exile that have dominated literary studies (Malkki 1995; McLeod 2000; Parvati 2010). In this study, I draw attention to the ways that literary narratives of migration re-figure Europe as a wilderness. The works that I analyze explore precarious migrant subjectivities through forests, urban jungles, and cannibalism, spaces onto which fantasies (and often nightmares) of the outside of political community can be projected Furthermore, I argue that wilderness provides sites of negotiation between the biopolitical and ideals of rights-based citizenship. While the biopolitical does not serve as a foundation of belonging in these narratives as suggested by some theorists (Agamben 2008), the literature posits new modes of belonging through the very exclusions produced by forced migration. / text

This dissertation uses the Latino cultural citizenship framework to show how Mexican immigrant young adults are using the GED classroom to construct, negotiate, and transform their lives in the United States. It examines the educational experiences of Mexican immigrant young adults enrolled in GED classes at Central Texas Community College and specifically documents their motives for enrolling, their educational journeys, the value of the GED, and the impact of the GED program on their lives and on their future aspirations. The significance of this study is that it will give Adult Basic and Secondary Education programs, especially the program housed at Central Texas Community College, an ethnographic snapshot of one of their fastest growing student populations. Latina/o students represent 73 percent of GED enrollment in this program. Although this dissertation only includes a very small subgroup of Latinos, findings will supplement the limited academic research available on Mexican immigrant young adults within the scope of adult education. / text

In the early 1970s, the Canadian welfare state began a radical transformation in which Canadians were left with a weaker social safety net in the areas of income supports, social services, and social legislation, a transformation that Canadians are coping with today. This thesis is an investigation of the extent to which Canadians found this transformation in their welfare state desirable. Using the Canadian Election Study from 1965 to 2011, I demonstrate that Canadians underwent an ideological shift within this time frame in which “being Canadian” has acquired connotations of self-reliance through work and the market, a phenomenon I refer to as the individuation of the Canadian citizenry. I conclude that while Canadians may have undergone significant individuation from the 1970s to the present, Canadians are still considerably collective with respect to more inclusive social policy areas such as healthcare and education. / October 2015

This thesis explores First Nations peoples’ relationship with the Canadian government and how the issue of citizenship has played into this relationship. This thesis analyses citizenship theory as it relates to First Nations peoples through an examination of prominent theorists of Canadian politics and Indigenous scholars. Arguments for unitarian citizenship, pluralist forms of citizenship and Indigenous nationalism are examined. Issues of participation, identity and self-determination are explored as they relate closely to the debate over the level of inclusion in Canadian citizenship. The Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples recommends a dual-citizenship model, to be implemented by the Canadian government with consultation and input from First Nations. However, this recommendation has not been pursued, and the relationship between First Nations and the Canadian government is as tense as ever. I conclude that a thoughtful re-examination of the RCAP dual-citizenship model is necessary if we are to move towards reconciliation in Canada. / October 2015

Alarmed by contamination provoked by a terrible flood, residents from the river delta city of Tigre, Argentina formed an environmental asamblea--a horizontally organized neighborhood action group to address environmental stress from water contamination and unchecked development. The decision to form an asamblea reflects a larger trend in political participation underway since Argentina's 2001 crisis. In 2001, widespread discontent with neoliberalism provoked many to participate in asambleas, since asambleas use direct democracy to collectively make decisions. This format reflected the peoples' disillusionment with representative democracy, authoritarian politics, and traditional channels of participation. Years later in Tigre, the asamblea has been an effective means to formulate a new vision of participatory democracy, and a citizenship that includes the environment as a right and responsibility. The actions and ideas of the asamblea have challenged neoliberal hegemony in the community, demonstrating the promise of grassroots alternatives in weakening dominant paradigms.