Thesis (M.S.)--Boston University, 2011. / Unlike the process of healing, studies related to the survival time of bone after injury are lacking and a need exists for setting descriptive standards for macroscopic trauma analysis of bone. The rate of macroscopic changes that occur during bone healing can be determined by analyzing specimens that exhibit posttraumatic injury with known survival times. A total of 109 specimens were analyzed from the Civil War Collection housed at the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology (AFIP), National Museum of Health and Medicine (NMHM). All specimens displayed some form of traumatic injury, disease, or both. A macroscopic assessment of each bony element was performed using a method practiced by Barbian and Sledzik (2008), to determine the presence of four responses to trauma that occur in bone and the total number of responses per specimen. The four responses observed in this study include a line of demarcation, osteoclastic activity, osteoblastic activity, and sequestration. Each specimen was scored 1 for the presence and 0 for the absence of each type of bone response. Then the number of responses per specimen was calculated to determine a total score of all responses. Throughout this study, the evaluation of the total score of bone responses [TRUNCATED]

This study aimed to provide more general knowledge about the mechanisms which link natural resources with civil war outbreaks. The theoretical point of departure was the feasibility hypothesis hypothesis of Collier et al. (2009) in which the authors state that the paramount interest of researchers of civil wars should be directed at the structural conditions within a country. One of their assertions pertained to the role of natural resources. Those provide a potential revenue source for insurgents to finance their rebellion. Hence, the higher the dependence of a state on natural resource exports, the higher should be the probability of civil war outbreak. However, this account was heavily criticized by other researchers. Some claimed that the conceptualization of the Primary Commodity Exports (PCE) variable does not cover relevant natural resources (Fearon 2005), others pointed at the problem of reversed causality and endogeneity (Gleditsch 1998) and also others stressed to differentiate between different natural resources according to their proneness to be looted by rebels (Ross 2003). In order to address these problems, a new variable was conceptualized. The "extraction feasibility" variable measures the degree of extractability of a particular resource. It is composed of two notions, namely...

The editors of Authors Take Sides on the Spanish War, which was published in London by the Left Review in 1937, posed two questions to a list of writers: "Are you for, or against, the legal Government and the People of Republican Spain? Are you for, or against, Franco and Fascism?" The question was distributed by mail to hundreds of writers in the United Kingdom to solicit responses for publication. The editors' appeal closes: "We wish the world to know what you, writers and poets, who are amongst the most sensitive instruments of a nation, feel." Authors Take Sides on the Spanish War consists of brief remarks from 148 contributors in a "10,000 word" pamphlet. Authors Take Sides on the Spanish War contains many influential writers' opinions on one of the most significant conflicts of the twentieth century, but the publication has since received almost no editorial attention. The pamphlet was reissued in 2001 as a photoduplication of the original--without commentary or annotation--and due to a printer's error, it is missing two leaves. This annotated edition of Authors Take Sides on the Spanish War includes an archive of related correspondence, articles, and other writings pertinent to the pamphlet and the political, social, and cultural climate of Europe around the Spanish Civil War. Of particular interest are unpublished documents related to the publication of the pamphlet from the Nancy Cunard archive at the University of Texas-Austin's Harry Ransom Center for the Humanities, as well as an examination of textual decisions and revisions within the work of Arthur Koestler and six other authors who wrote on the Spanish Civil War. It is in this way that this edition of Authors Take Sides on the Spanish War also takes on many of the qualities of a dossier in that it brings together documentary evidence of a certain kind to provide a range of perspectives on this cultural and historical moment. / 2016-11-01T00:00:00Z

The subject of immigrant soldiers during the American Civil War has recently received an increase of attention among historians. Military and social historians have examined such themes as nativism, Americanization, and national identity. Although historians have often examined homesickness among soldiers, none have done so from a migrant point of view. As the largest foreign-born group in the Union army, constituting ten percent, the focus of this paper will be on immigrants from Germany. By looking at letters immigrants wrote to their families, both in the United States and Germany, this paper will examine how both married and single immigrant men interacted with home and war. In many cases, soldiers sought to structure their military environments to resemble the homes, familiar faces, customs, and foods they had left behind. This study seeks to add greater understanding of both the American Civil War and the migrant experience during the nineteenth century.

No description available.

Thesis (M.M. (Security))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, Graduate School of Public and Development Management, 2012. / This paper assesses the role of South Africa in the Burundian conflict between1999- 2004. This paper analyses the role of Third Party intervention and the role played by the international community in resolving the Burundian civil war. The main purpose of this research paper is to investigate the role played by external actors in African civil conflicts and in this case, specifically looking at South Africa’s leading and challenging role in resolving the civil conflict in Burundi. The research design that has been followed in this paper was a qualitative approach. This approach was utilised to collect information which is sensitive in nature so as to explain the circumstances surrounding the conflict and the resolution thereof. The information was then collected and then analysed to provide a qualitative explanation of the events that had occurred and issues surrounding Third Party intervention. Respondents were informed that their confidentiality of the interviews would be respected. This investigation was guided by assessing South Africa’s efforts in the management and facilitation of the peace process in Burundi in partnership with key external parties such as the UN, AU and Regional Initiative for Peace in Burundi. An assessment was also conducted around the limitations and the level of success encountered by South Africa’s involvement in pursuit of diplomatic, political and military initiatives. In the literature survey, conflict resolution, mediation and Third Party intervention forms the framework of this research paper. This paper proves that South Africa played an instrumental part in the Burundi civil conflict, in which their participation, be it foreign policy initiatives, diplomatic efforts and military power or the central mediation role by South African president Nelson Mandela. This paper discusses that the Burundi conflict did not occur simply due to the animosity that existed between ethnic groups however this was a large contributing factor and the struggle for political power explains the root cause to the Burundi civil conflict and the manner in which politicians manipulated ethnicity, past injustices and policies of divide and rule as mechanisms and tools to gain power thus ensuring economic advantage at the expense of others.

Quantitative studies have focused on economics, social structures, and lack of political freedoms as being elemental factors for civil war onset. However, these studies have neglected the possibility of a civil war being an unintended consequence of international military intervention. I conduct an empirical analysis of the association between military intervention and civil war onset by collecting data for twenty countries within the Middle East/North African regions from 1980 to 2000. Using the International Military Intervention data set, I categorized “international intervention” into nine different types, all of which were regressed with intrastate war data derived from the Correlates of War project. Two logit regression analyses were used to obtain the results, one of which analyzes civil war at time t and the independent variables at t-1. Additionally, marginal effects were computed to reflect accurate estimates. Overall, the data revealed that certain types of interventions are conducive to civil war onset, such as those pursuing terrorists or rebel groups across the border, gaining or retaining territory, and humanitarian interventions. Other types of interventions, such as those for social protection purposes, taking sides in a domestic dispute, and for the purpose of affecting policies of the target country, has a negative association with civil war onset. Two case studies, the 1953 U.S. intervention into Iran and the 1979 Soviet Union intervention into Afghanistan, reflects the observed findings of the two regression models. The occurrences of international military interventions and civil wars have increased dramatically since the end of World War II; therefore, it is important to have a better understanding of the association between the two events. To my knowledge, this is the first study that has categorized different types of interventions under which results indicate that the purpose of a military intervention does effect the likelihood of civil war onset. Scholars may develop this study further with the goal of establishing a better understanding of both phenomena so that we can find more efficient ways of preventing them.

Predictive models have established a niche in the field of archaeology. Valued as tools in predicting potential archaeological sites, their use has increased with development of faster and more affordable computer technology. Predictive models highlight areas within a landscape where archaeological sites have a high probability of occurrence. Therefore, time and resources normally expended on archaeological exploration can then be more efficiently allocated to specified locations within a study area. In addition to the resulting predictive surface, these models also identify significant variables for site selection by prehistoric or historic groups. Relationships with the environment, whether natural or social, are extremely pertinent to strengthening the resource base. In turn, this information can be utilized to better interpret and protect valuable cultural resources. A predictive probability model was generated to locate Union Civil War fortifications around Petersburg, Virginia. This study illustrated the ease with which such analysis can be accomplished with the integrated use of a Geographic Information System with statistical analysis. Stepwise logistic regression proved effective in selecting significant independent variables to predict probabilities of fortifications within the study area, but faired poorly when applied to areas withheld from the initial building stage of the model. Variation of battle tactics between these two separate areas proved great enough to have a detrimental effect the model's effectiveness. / Master of Science

The purpose of this paper is to show in detail the role of only a portion of the Federal Navy, the Atlantic Blockading Squadrons, during the Civil War.

Sierra Leone came to world attention in the 1990s when a catastrophic civil war linked to the diamond trade was reported globally. This fleet- ing and particular interest, however, obscured two crucial processes in this small West African state. On the one hand, while the civil war was momentous, brutal and affected all Sierra Leoneans, it was also just one element in the long and faltering attempt to build a nation and state given the country's immensely problematic pre-colonial and British colonial legacies. On the other, the aftermath of the war precipitated a huge inter- national effort to construct a 'liberal peace', with mixed results, and thus made Sierra Leone a laboratory for post-Cold War interventions. Sierra Leone examines 225 years of its history and fifty years of independence, placing state- society relations at the centre of an original and revealing investigation of those who have tried to rule or change Sierra Leone and its inhabitants and the responses engendered. It interweaves the historical narrative with sketches of politicians, anecdotes, the landscape and environment and key turning-points, alongside theoretical and other comparisons with the rest of Africa. It is a new contribution to the debate for those who already know Sierra Leone and a solid point of entry for those who wish to know.