It is more than 20 years since 1985, when world climate and atmospheric scientists first issued an authoritative warning of the danger of global warming. In 1988, scientists, environmentalists and politicians from 48 countries endorsed the Toronto Declaration to address global warming that called for a twenty percent worldwide reduction in CO emissions by the year 2005 leading to an eventual fifty percent reduction. Contestation and collaboration in the global climate change public policy process, involving a wide range of actors, has continued since then. Two organisations were founded in 1989 by non-state actors on opposite sides of the climate policy debate. These were the Global Climate Coalition (GCC), which was established by a range of US business interests, and Climate Action Network (CAN) established by a range of environmental and scientific non-governmental organisations. The thesis documents, analyses and compares how each organisation was formed, organised and developed. It reviews how GCC and CAN enabled more effective national and transnational advocacy and how they fostered opposing policy coalitions on climate policy. The respective approaches are assessed, evaluated and contrasted as each sought to gain support for their opposing policy positions in the global climate change policy process. The research uses a neo-Gramscian theoretical perspective and develops and applies an analytical framework focused on policy coalitions of state and non-state actors to investigate the role that non-state actors played in the global climate policy process. GCC and CAN played major roles within opposing policy coalitions that became particularly important in shaping the outcome of the global and national climate policy processes. The thesis focuses on the role of GCC and CAN and their associated policy coalitions in influencing the framing, developing, implementation and review of global climate policy. It examines the global climate change policy process through this analytical lens of contestation between policy coalitions from the creation of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 1988 to the first Meeting of the Parties of the ratified Kyoto Protocol in 2005. The thesis assesses the analytical framework and concludes by identifying critical issues that the current global public policy processes have encountered in developing and implementing effective global climate change public policy.

It is more than 20 years since 1985, when world climate and atmospheric scientists first issued an authoritative warning of the danger of global warming. In 1988, scientists, environmentalists and politicians from 48 countries endorsed the Toronto Declaration to address global warming that called for a twenty percent worldwide reduction in CO emissions by the year 2005 leading to an eventual fifty percent reduction. Contestation and collaboration in the global climate change public policy process, involving a wide range of actors, has continued since then. Two organisations were founded in 1989 by non-state actors on opposite sides of the climate policy debate. These were the Global Climate Coalition (GCC), which was established by a range of US business interests, and Climate Action Network (CAN) established by a range of environmental and scientific non-governmental organisations. The thesis documents, analyses and compares how each organisation was formed, organised and developed. It reviews how GCC and CAN enabled more effective national and transnational advocacy and how they fostered opposing policy coalitions on climate policy. The respective approaches are assessed, evaluated and contrasted as each sought to gain support for their opposing policy positions in the global climate change policy process. The research uses a neo-Gramscian theoretical perspective and develops and applies an analytical framework focused on policy coalitions of state and non-state actors to investigate the role that non-state actors played in the global climate policy process. GCC and CAN played major roles within opposing policy coalitions that became particularly important in shaping the outcome of the global and national climate policy processes. The thesis focuses on the role of GCC and CAN and their associated policy coalitions in influencing the framing, developing, implementation and review of global climate policy. It examines the global climate change policy process through this analytical lens of contestation between policy coalitions from the creation of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 1988 to the first Meeting of the Parties of the ratified Kyoto Protocol in 2005. The thesis assesses the analytical framework and concludes by identifying critical issues that the current global public policy processes have encountered in developing and implementing effective global climate change public policy.

It is more than 20 years since 1985, when world climate and atmospheric scientists first issued an authoritative warning of the danger of global warming. In 1988, scientists, environmentalists and politicians from 48 countries endorsed the Toronto Declaration to address global warming that called for a twenty percent worldwide reduction in CO emissions by the year 2005 leading to an eventual fifty percent reduction. Contestation and collaboration in the global climate change public policy process, involving a wide range of actors, has continued since then. Two organisations were founded in 1989 by non-state actors on opposite sides of the climate policy debate. These were the Global Climate Coalition (GCC), which was established by a range of US business interests, and Climate Action Network (CAN) established by a range of environmental and scientific non-governmental organisations. The thesis documents, analyses and compares how each organisation was formed, organised and developed. It reviews how GCC and CAN enabled more effective national and transnational advocacy and how they fostered opposing policy coalitions on climate policy. The respective approaches are assessed, evaluated and contrasted as each sought to gain support for their opposing policy positions in the global climate change policy process. The research uses a neo-Gramscian theoretical perspective and develops and applies an analytical framework focused on policy coalitions of state and non-state actors to investigate the role that non-state actors played in the global climate policy process. GCC and CAN played major roles within opposing policy coalitions that became particularly important in shaping the outcome of the global and national climate policy processes. The thesis focuses on the role of GCC and CAN and their associated policy coalitions in influencing the framing, developing, implementation and review of global climate policy. It examines the global climate change policy process through this analytical lens of contestation between policy coalitions from the creation of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 1988 to the first Meeting of the Parties of the ratified Kyoto Protocol in 2005. The thesis assesses the analytical framework and concludes by identifying critical issues that the current global public policy processes have encountered in developing and implementing effective global climate change public policy.

<p>The objective of this thesis is to investigate how of the concepts of adaptation and vulnerability are defined in IPCC’s third assessment report (TAR) with specific focus on IPCC’s response to the critique from South. I have achieved this by doing a text analysis of the content in TAR. My point of departure was in the position of South and there critiques on the climate change policy. I have divided the objective into different research question where I focus on the definition of vulnerability, the determining factors of adaptive capacity, if there is a difference in vulnerability between and within regions and whether focus is on adaptation or mitigation in TAR. There are two definitions of vulnerability in TAR. One is by Brooks (2003) referred as biophysical and the other as social vulnerability. Which one the authors in the report refer to is not put out which cause confusion. In earlier assessments are the biophysical approach more common than the social. In TAR is the use of vulnerability in terms of social conditions more common than the biophysical. This is an improvement since this definition is necessary to get a greater focus on the need for immediate adaptation, in South particularly. It was somewhat problematic to determine whether the adaptive capacity only on the level of the system was considered in TAR or also exogenous factors, which affect the capacity of the system, was included in the definition. In some sense exogenous factors have been considered however it is not much reflection over this. In the report there is a consensus that the vulnerability differs between regions. However there is not much research conducted in developing countries. Also in the issue of concentration on adaptation or mitigation the problem is that there is not enough research from developing countries. Despite this, this assessment report has more focus on adaptation than the other ones. </p>

In diesem Beitrag wird der Hintergrund der internationalen Klimaverhandlungen erläutert und die Ergebnisse des Kopenhagen-Akkords vorgestellt. Angesichts des Scheiterns der Kopenhagener Konferenz muss die zeitnahe Schließung eines rechtlich bindenden, globalen Klimaabkommens als unwahrscheinlich gelten. Die Klimapolitik wird zukünftig verstärkt auf nationalstaatlicher und transnationaler Ebene erfolgen.

Titel: Klimatförändringarna i nyhetsdiskursen Antal sidor: 47 Författare: Emelie Sahlström &amp; Sofia Öström Handledare: Ulrika Olausson Kurs: Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap C Period: HT 2010 Universitet: Avdelningen för Medie- och kommunikationsvetenskap, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap, Örebro universitet Syfte: Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka om och i så fall hur klimatförändringarna i nyhetsdiskursen i New York Times och Dagens Nyheter har likheter, respektive skiljer sig åt. Vi undersöker också om klimatrapporteringarna är uppbyggda genom nationella eller globala identitet, om något ansvar utkrävs samt vilka som tillskrivs detta ansvar och om det finns en vetenskaplig säkerhet eller osäkerhet gentemot klimatförändringarna. Utifrån dessa har vi i slutdiskussionen diskuterat hur resultaten kan kopplas till USA:s och Sveriges klimatpolitik. Teorier: Teorierna är relaterad och presenteras i relation till tidigare forskning. De teorier som används i denna uppsats är, ansvarsutkrävande, vetenskaplig säkerhet och osäkerhet samt identitet.   Metod och material: För att uppfylla syftet använde vi en kritisk diskursanalys samt mikro- och makronivåerna. Vi har analyserat 8 artiklar från New York Times och 9 artiklar från Dagens Nyheter. Resultat: Resultaten visar att DN och NYT, som Europa och USA står mot varandra i klimathanteringen. Analyserna har också visat att klimatförändringarna framställs i de båda tidningarna utifrån nationella identiteter och en ”vi” och ”dem” diskurs återges konsekvent i artiklarna. När det kommer till vetenskaplig säkerhet och osäkerhet ställer sig både DN och NYT säkert till klimatförändringarna och detta görs genom citat från vetenskapsmän och statistik. Säkerheten präglas också av medvetenhet och god inblick i klimatförändringarna. Ansvarsutkrävandet i DN och NYT läggs till stor del på politikerna, dock utkräver NYT ett globalt ansvar och DN utkräver ett ansvar mot USA och Europa som Sverige i denna kontext står utanför. Nyckelord: Critical discourse analysis, climate, accountability, scientific certainty and uncertainty, identity, New York Times, Dagens Nyheter and climate policy

The climate change is currently one of the biggest environmental problems in human society, it has characteristics with a high degree of uncertainty and risk as well as the global impact. The negative environmental impacts destroy the ecological environment and endanger our living condition, for example, water, food, heath, etc., all affected by the climate change. In severe case what¡¦s worse, there would be millions of people suffering from food shortage, water scarcity, sea level rises, the coastal cities were flooded, and large-scale human migration and territoryial conflicts. In recent years, the economic development in China is incredibly fast, however, the growth mode also represent the high level of energy consumption and extensive mode of development. Although this development way is able to drive economic growth, the emissions of greenhouse gases are far more than the international standard, this make China become the biggest country of global carbon emissions. In China, agriculture, water resources and carbon emissions, are all affected by the climate change impact and forced to change. In the international community, the doubts and criticisms from other countries about China¡¦s development mode and its own national interests are raising, what¡¦s China¡¦s role in international climate negotiations? Because we know the impact of climate change doesn¡¦t only affect to our environment, but also it could wildly expand to a country¡¦s developmental policy making process.

The objective of this thesis is to investigate how of the concepts of adaptation and vulnerability are defined in IPCC’s third assessment report (TAR) with specific focus on IPCC’s response to the critique from South. I have achieved this by doing a text analysis of the content in TAR. My point of departure was in the position of South and there critiques on the climate change policy. I have divided the objective into different research question where I focus on the definition of vulnerability, the determining factors of adaptive capacity, if there is a difference in vulnerability between and within regions and whether focus is on adaptation or mitigation in TAR. There are two definitions of vulnerability in TAR. One is by Brooks (2003) referred as biophysical and the other as social vulnerability. Which one the authors in the report refer to is not put out which cause confusion. In earlier assessments are the biophysical approach more common than the social. In TAR is the use of vulnerability in terms of social conditions more common than the biophysical. This is an improvement since this definition is necessary to get a greater focus on the need for immediate adaptation, in South particularly. It was somewhat problematic to determine whether the adaptive capacity only on the level of the system was considered in TAR or also exogenous factors, which affect the capacity of the system, was included in the definition. In some sense exogenous factors have been considered however it is not much reflection over this. In the report there is a consensus that the vulnerability differs between regions. However there is not much research conducted in developing countries. Also in the issue of concentration on adaptation or mitigation the problem is that there is not enough research from developing countries. Despite this, this assessment report has more focus on adaptation than the other ones.

Climatic change has sparked a broad range of responses on all societal levels. New initiatives and negotiations, scientific findings, and technological developments, have established a novel framework for policymaking and industrial abatement investments. Lessons on the evolving framework should be analysed and utilised to handle the dynamic reality of climate policymaking processes. Governments in the majority of economies only have an indirect and long-term influence on reducing industrial emissions, as they do not own the emitting operations. As representing one-third of the global carbon dioxide emissions, industry is therefore a key stakeholder group in whether or not the political agenda will be fulfilled. How industry perceives that obstacles and opportunities affect investment calculi are thus important. Hence, policymakers should facilitate policy learning (PL) to aid the creation of effective and efficient political agendas. This is important to acknowledge the policy and investment experiences of industrial actors and to deal with a number of plausible investment obstacles identified under the novel framework. Taking stock of PL and other policy theories, this thesis is aimed to develop recommendations for facilitating PL and thus contributing to more effective and efficient climate policy frameworks. The results highlight the role of industry in abatement and political strategies where policymakers need to gain knowledge on how industries perceive abatement investment obstacles and how these may be bridged. The intrinsic learning values of government-industry negotiated agreements (NAs) are emphasised and a framework for operationalising PL through NA designs is developed. PL is furthermore identified as important, and NAs are recommended as a policy instrument, to fill knowledge gaps identified in two case-studies of promoting complex and novel industrial operations. This thesis also recommends a participatory policy evaluation tool that is sensitive to industrial competitiveness and establishes a forum for discussions on perceived investment obstacles and opportunities under different conditions. The results are not aimed to provide a blueprint for a comprehensive climate policy framework but as a contribution to literature and the incremental learning that this thesis strongly promotes.

The main goal of the thesis is to develop a monitoring instrument for climate policy that is based on the Kyoto Protocol and the IPCC guidelines. The instrument developed is based on a "Full Carbon Accounting" approach which takes into account the carbon flows of the biosphere as well as those related to society's metabolism. Conceptually the analysis is based on the epistemological concept of society nature interaction comprising society's metabolism and colonisation of nature as main starting points. This leads to the empirical concept of material flow analysis. The thesis quantifies the carbon flows and the related uncertainties of the Austrian economy for 1990 for selected areas in a consistent way. The thesis also tries to build up a framework for system of indicators that would allow evaluating climate policy. (author´s abstract)