Avhandlingen är en nutidsanalys av delar av den svenska välfärden. Samverkan mellan myndigheter och organisering av socialt arbete i frivilliga organisationer är två samtida tendenser i det svenska välfärdssystemet. Båda studierna fokuserar på arbetslivsinriktad rehabiliteringför personer utanför arbetsmarknaden en längre tid. Den första studien beskriver samverkan mellan olika offentliga myn-digheter i form av ett samverkansteam (ReSamprojektet), medan den andra studien beskriver och analyserar en delvis brukarstyrd form för arbetslivsinriktad rehabilitering, den så kallade klubbhus-modellen (Fontänhusrörelsen).Den första studien var en processinriktad utvärdering med olika me-toder för datainsamling som intervjuer, fokuserade gruppdiskussioner, samt dagboksanteckningar. Den andra studien gjordes utifrån en deltagarbaserad forskningstradition där författaren arbetade med en forskarcirkel bestående av medlemmar från klubbhuset. Syftet var att närma sig rehabiliterings-processen på ett så utforskande sätt som möjligt. Data samlades in som detaljerade anteckningar, officiellt material och inspelade intervjuer.Resultat från den första studien visar att det var möjligt att samarbeta över myndigheternas gränser men att det fanns hinder som handlade om kulturella och organisatoriska skillnader mellan myndigheterna, olikheter när det gäller engagemang och begränsa-de resurser för att kunna möta klienternas komplexa behov. Samtidigt var en viktig lärdom att ju mer kunskap handläggarna hade om varandra och sina respektive organisationer destolättare blev samar-betet. Resultat från den andra studien visar att genom det dagliga arbetet formas, fördjupas och åter-upptas relationer och den stödjande omgivningen. Förstärkande mekanismer var en uttalad ideologi, en tydlig struktur för möten, återkommande arbetsgrupper ochcertifiering. Det var också viktigt att arbetsuppgifterna betraktades som nödvändiga och att de gjorde en skillnad om de utfördes. Å andra sidan beskrevs rörelsen som begränsande för vissa medlemmar.I diskussionen används tillit somett begrepp som spänner över individ-, grupp-och samhällsnivå. Tillit blir ett sammanbindande begrepp mellan de båda studierna och visade sig vara den viktigaste komponenten för att etablera hållbara relationer på gruppnivå. Slutligen följer en mera framåtblickande diskussion som handlar om hur utanförskap kan bemötas genom samverkansaktiviteter respektive frivillig organisering och vilken roll verksamheterna kan få i välfärdssystemet / The thesis is a contemporary analysis of parts of the Swedish welfare system. Co-operation between agencieswithin the welfare system and provision of welfare services by organizations within the voluntary sector are two contemporary tendencies. Both studies are focusing on the rehabilitation process for individuals who have been excluded from the labour market for a longer time period. The first study describes and analyzes co-operation in a three year project as a strategy for provision of complex welfare services (the ReSam project). The second study describes and analyzes the club house model of rehabilitation (the Fountain House movement).The first study is based on a process evaluation, where different kinds of data were collected through interviews, focus groups and diaries. These data were subsequently analyzed with qualitative methods. The second study isparticipant oriented, which means that a group of members conducted the study in co-operation with the re-searcher. The study isexplorative and research data were collected in a variety of ways including detailed notes, taped interviews and cognitive maps.The results of the first study show that it was possible to co-operate across the organizational boundaries of the different agencies involved, but there were obstacles related to organizational and cultural differences between the agencies, divided loyalties of the officials involved, and limited resources available to deal with the complex needs of the clients. The most important factor was that the officials learnt more about each other and the agencies involved. The result of the second study reveals that daily work tasks forms, deepens and reinvents both relationships as well as the supportive environment. Supportive mechanisms were an explicit ideology, plain structure of the meetings, frequent held working groups and thecertification process. Furthermore, it was important that the taskswere considered as necessaryand made a dif-ference. On the other hand, the members described the clubhouse environment as restricting for some. In the discussion, trust is used as a concept which spans over individual, interpersonal and organizational levels and becomes a useful tool as a theoretical concept binding the two studies to-gether. Trust was revealed as the most important ingredient as it comes to establishing sustainable relationships on a group level. Finally, some possible future scenarios are drawn up and discussed concerning the roles and relations between the welfare system and contemporary new forms of orga-nizing welfare services.

The political ideas of Auberon Herbert are usually associated with the late Victorian Individualist thinkers primarily influenced by the philosopher Herbert Spencer. Although Herbert derived his political philosophy of Voluntaryism from Spencer’s thinking it also owed much to J. S. Mill. Voluntaryism was based on a Lockean-Spencerian conception of individual natural rights that asserted self-ownership and the moral obligation for individuals to respect the rights of other people. Rights protection against force and fraud constituted the primary purpose of government. Herbert, aptly describing Voluntaryism as the system of liberty, peace and friendliness, applied these principles to a range of situations from street maintenance, to collective property purchase, and, finally, to the voluntary support of the state. Voluntary taxation was the most controversial component of Herbert’s theory, emphasising its distinctiveness. Although Herbert resisted socialist and new liberal attempts to expand the role of the state, his reasons for doing so shared little in common with conservative critics of this direction. Herbert, a republican and democrat, repeatedly attacked privilege, seeking widespread change including land reform and universal suffrage. His position represented that of a radical reformer seeking to promote Voluntaryism as the basis for friendly co-operation among free individuals at home and abroad. An internationalist, Herbert opposed aggressive imperialism, but also supported national self-determination, including Irish Home Rule. The notion of the voluntary state has led to claims of Herbert’s anarchism, but research indicates a greater complexity to his political ideas. Overall, Herbert was an extreme libertarian who never completely lost sight of the state, although he greatly limited its role. While Herbert’s political theory was idealistic, it avoided the social prescription usually associated with utopianism. Herbert’s commitment to an ethos of radical progressivism was one he shared with other contemporary socialist and anarchist thinkers who, like Herbert, attempted to live the politics they espoused. For his political philosophy and activism, Herbert warrants acknowledgement as one of the most prominent English libertarians of the nineteenth century.

The political ideas of Auberon Herbert are usually associated with the late Victorian Individualist thinkers primarily influenced by the philosopher Herbert Spencer. Although Herbert derived his political philosophy of Voluntaryism from Spencer’s thinking it also owed much to J. S. Mill. Voluntaryism was based on a Lockean-Spencerian conception of individual natural rights that asserted self-ownership and the moral obligation for individuals to respect the rights of other people. Rights protection against force and fraud constituted the primary purpose of government. Herbert, aptly describing Voluntaryism as the system of liberty, peace and friendliness, applied these principles to a range of situations from street maintenance, to collective property purchase, and, finally, to the voluntary support of the state. Voluntary taxation was the most controversial component of Herbert’s theory, emphasising its distinctiveness. Although Herbert resisted socialist and new liberal attempts to expand the role of the state, his reasons for doing so shared little in common with conservative critics of this direction. Herbert, a republican and democrat, repeatedly attacked privilege, seeking widespread change including land reform and universal suffrage. His position represented that of a radical reformer seeking to promote Voluntaryism as the basis for friendly co-operation among free individuals at home and abroad. An internationalist, Herbert opposed aggressive imperialism, but also supported national self-determination, including Irish Home Rule. The notion of the voluntary state has led to claims of Herbert’s anarchism, but research indicates a greater complexity to his political ideas. Overall, Herbert was an extreme libertarian who never completely lost sight of the state, although he greatly limited its role. While Herbert’s political theory was idealistic, it avoided the social prescription usually associated with utopianism. Herbert’s commitment to an ethos of radical progressivism was one he shared with other contemporary socialist and anarchist thinkers who, like Herbert, attempted to live the politics they espoused. For his political philosophy and activism, Herbert warrants acknowledgement as one of the most prominent English libertarians of the nineteenth century.

The political ideas of Auberon Herbert are usually associated with the late Victorian Individualist thinkers primarily influenced by the philosopher Herbert Spencer. Although Herbert derived his political philosophy of Voluntaryism from Spencer’s thinking it also owed much to J. S. Mill. Voluntaryism was based on a Lockean-Spencerian conception of individual natural rights that asserted self-ownership and the moral obligation for individuals to respect the rights of other people. Rights protection against force and fraud constituted the primary purpose of government. Herbert, aptly describing Voluntaryism as the system of liberty, peace and friendliness, applied these principles to a range of situations from street maintenance, to collective property purchase, and, finally, to the voluntary support of the state. Voluntary taxation was the most controversial component of Herbert’s theory, emphasising its distinctiveness. Although Herbert resisted socialist and new liberal attempts to expand the role of the state, his reasons for doing so shared little in common with conservative critics of this direction. Herbert, a republican and democrat, repeatedly attacked privilege, seeking widespread change including land reform and universal suffrage. His position represented that of a radical reformer seeking to promote Voluntaryism as the basis for friendly co-operation among free individuals at home and abroad. An internationalist, Herbert opposed aggressive imperialism, but also supported national self-determination, including Irish Home Rule. The notion of the voluntary state has led to claims of Herbert’s anarchism, but research indicates a greater complexity to his political ideas. Overall, Herbert was an extreme libertarian who never completely lost sight of the state, although he greatly limited its role. While Herbert’s political theory was idealistic, it avoided the social prescription usually associated with utopianism. Herbert’s commitment to an ethos of radical progressivism was one he shared with other contemporary socialist and anarchist thinkers who, like Herbert, attempted to live the politics they espoused. For his political philosophy and activism, Herbert warrants acknowledgement as one of the most prominent English libertarians of the nineteenth century.

The political ideas of Auberon Herbert are usually associated with the late Victorian Individualist thinkers primarily influenced by the philosopher Herbert Spencer. Although Herbert derived his political philosophy of Voluntaryism from Spencer’s thinking it also owed much to J. S. Mill. Voluntaryism was based on a Lockean-Spencerian conception of individual natural rights that asserted self-ownership and the moral obligation for individuals to respect the rights of other people. Rights protection against force and fraud constituted the primary purpose of government. Herbert, aptly describing Voluntaryism as the system of liberty, peace and friendliness, applied these principles to a range of situations from street maintenance, to collective property purchase, and, finally, to the voluntary support of the state. Voluntary taxation was the most controversial component of Herbert’s theory, emphasising its distinctiveness. Although Herbert resisted socialist and new liberal attempts to expand the role of the state, his reasons for doing so shared little in common with conservative critics of this direction. Herbert, a republican and democrat, repeatedly attacked privilege, seeking widespread change including land reform and universal suffrage. His position represented that of a radical reformer seeking to promote Voluntaryism as the basis for friendly co-operation among free individuals at home and abroad. An internationalist, Herbert opposed aggressive imperialism, but also supported national self-determination, including Irish Home Rule. The notion of the voluntary state has led to claims of Herbert’s anarchism, but research indicates a greater complexity to his political ideas. Overall, Herbert was an extreme libertarian who never completely lost sight of the state, although he greatly limited its role. While Herbert’s political theory was idealistic, it avoided the social prescription usually associated with utopianism. Herbert’s commitment to an ethos of radical progressivism was one he shared with other contemporary socialist and anarchist thinkers who, like Herbert, attempted to live the politics they espoused. For his political philosophy and activism, Herbert warrants acknowledgement as one of the most prominent English libertarians of the nineteenth century.

The political ideas of Auberon Herbert are usually associated with the late Victorian Individualist thinkers primarily influenced by the philosopher Herbert Spencer. Although Herbert derived his political philosophy of Voluntaryism from Spencer’s thinking it also owed much to J. S. Mill. Voluntaryism was based on a Lockean-Spencerian conception of individual natural rights that asserted self-ownership and the moral obligation for individuals to respect the rights of other people. Rights protection against force and fraud constituted the primary purpose of government. Herbert, aptly describing Voluntaryism as the system of liberty, peace and friendliness, applied these principles to a range of situations from street maintenance, to collective property purchase, and, finally, to the voluntary support of the state. Voluntary taxation was the most controversial component of Herbert’s theory, emphasising its distinctiveness. Although Herbert resisted socialist and new liberal attempts to expand the role of the state, his reasons for doing so shared little in common with conservative critics of this direction. Herbert, a republican and democrat, repeatedly attacked privilege, seeking widespread change including land reform and universal suffrage. His position represented that of a radical reformer seeking to promote Voluntaryism as the basis for friendly co-operation among free individuals at home and abroad. An internationalist, Herbert opposed aggressive imperialism, but also supported national self-determination, including Irish Home Rule. The notion of the voluntary state has led to claims of Herbert’s anarchism, but research indicates a greater complexity to his political ideas. Overall, Herbert was an extreme libertarian who never completely lost sight of the state, although he greatly limited its role. While Herbert’s political theory was idealistic, it avoided the social prescription usually associated with utopianism. Herbert’s commitment to an ethos of radical progressivism was one he shared with other contemporary socialist and anarchist thinkers who, like Herbert, attempted to live the politics they espoused. For his political philosophy and activism, Herbert warrants acknowledgement as one of the most prominent English libertarians of the nineteenth century.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Melbourne, Melbourne School of Land and Environment, 2009. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (p. 361-386)

This thesis deals with researching and mapping the humanitarian aid provided to foreign countries and with involving into the international rescue operations of the basic and other components of the Integrated Rescue System of the Czech Republic. The State Humanitarian Aid of the Czech Republic abroad is performed and financed from the financial means allocated by the government from the state budget into the bound reserve of the General Financial Administration for the given year for the humanitarian aid. The partial target of the thesis is to submit the complete information about the international rescue missions and providing individual kinds of the humanitarian aid abroad. The partial goal was to find out the preparedness of the Czech Republic for providing individual kinds of humanitarian aid and to refer to possible drawbacks. The survey of implemented foreign rescue operations and humanitarian aid was focused on the basic component of IZS CR, taking part in missions abroad most frequently and participating in the largest extent in providing humanitarian aid abroad, i.e. Fire Rescue Service of the Czech Republic (HZS CR) and its departments. Concerning other components of IZS CR, the research focused on the projects of one of the most important and largest non-profit non-governmental organization, ADRA citizen association.

The main objective of the thesis was to map possibilities of a co-operation among the intervention centre and other entities interested in helping to people threatened by the domestic violence. The current status was taken from the professional literature. There is described an issue of the domestic violence, types and forms of the domestic violence, its characteristics and dynamics, causes, consequences, legal framework of the domestic violence, its actors, entities helping to people threatened by the domestic violence and an interdisciplinary co-operation. The qualitative research was used in the thesis. A tool for the data collection was a semi-standardized interview. Questions were based on theme ranges concerning the examined issue. The research sample consisted of 13 workers of the entities helping to people at risk of the domestic violence in the Highland (Vysočina) region. The research showed that the domestic violence is a very wide-spread and still underestimated issue. At the same time it is seen a considerable progress in the area of the help to people at risk by the domestic violence. Further the research showed that workers do not exactly know services provided by the Intervention Centre of the Highland (Vysočina) region. Thanks to this fact there can occur a disinformation of people threatened by the domestic violence. The staff can determine the most often demanded help from the side of the potential service users. They can also recognize that not always it is about the help the intervention centre is able to provide. The research does not confirm that the personnel generally would be influenced by prejudices at their work with people at risk by the domestic violence. But they were certainly also in their professional life influenced by a personal experience with the domestic violence that acquired in their neighbourhood. The research raised a possibility of a co-operation among the intervention centre and other entities, namely organizing case conferences. This thesis can be used in practice for an acquisition or addition of professional experience related to the issue of the domestic violence and available provided services.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-23T14:00:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Karine Daiane Zingler.pdf: 1827664 bytes, checksum: e0d64d10b0ea53b077f1966b0b83a73f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-18 / This thesis aims to analyse how Brazil has placed on its agenda the politics of science, technology and innovation in a systemic and interactive approach. Here it is used the theoretical approach of national innovation systems, in Aalborg tradition, which emphasizes: systemic policies conducted by the Nation-State, learning processes arising from interactions between agents, and is guided in idiosyncratic capacity learning to the different nations. This approach has found space to develop theoretically and empirically in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), from 1980/90 decades, which is currently research reference on the subject. In this thesis, it is demonstrated how Brazil, over its process of economic development based on industrialization, from 1930 to 2000, has excluded policies that emphasize the interaction among agents in a national system of science, technology, innovation and learning, what is beyond the guidelines provided by the OECD. It is also evaluated the current plans, which attempt to engage with the guidelines of this international organization / Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de analisar como o Brasil tem colocado em sua agenda as políticas de ciência, tecnologia e inovação em uma abordagem sistêmica e interativa. Utiliza-se da abordagem teórica de sistemas nacionais de inovação, na tradição de Aalborg, a qual ressalta: políticas sistêmicas conduzidas pelo Estado-Nação, processos de aprendizagem advindos de interações entre agentes, e é pautado em capacidades de aprendizagem idiossincráticas às diferentes nações. Esta abordagem encontrou espaço para se desenvolver teórica e empiricamente na Organização de Cooperação e Desenvolvimento Econômico (OCDE), a partir das décadas de 1980/90, que atualmente é referência de pesquisa no tema. Nesta dissertação, demonstra-se como o Brasil, ao longo de seu processo de desenvolvimento econômico baseado na industrialização, 1930 a 2000, tem deixado de lado políticas que priorizam a interação entre agentes em um sistema nacional de ciência, tecnologia, inovação e aprendizagem, o que foge das orientações fornecidas pela OCDE. Também se avalia os atuais planos, os quais tentam se engajar com as orientações de tal organismo internacional