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This thesis consists of a set of interrelated essays that illustrate the persistence of the Conservative party in Colombia in the early twentieth century. No particular landmarks or turning-points can be identified in recent Colombian history. The dates 1930 and 1953 are, therefore, in part, dates of convenience: but they carry some, if limited, significance. In 1930 the Conservative party was ousted from office after over forty years of office, and was replaced by a coalition government with a Liberal president. In 1953 a Conservative government was again removed from power: on this occasion by a military government with an initially Conservative complexion. The period chosen makes possible the study of the Conservative party in contrasting postures: in opposition, in power and in coalition with Liberals. Because the period of study is no more clearly defined than this references outside it have been made freely The work has been organized in the following manner: Chapter One performs a double function. It contains both a general narrative of political events at a national level and an examination of mutations in the relationships between and within the elites of the two parties: Conservative and Liberal. An extensive treatment serves to underline the flexibility and durability of the Conservative party: the strivings of its members after a distinct party identity, their attitudes to coalition, the practice of co-option and economic policy are discussed. Regional and local considerations have been mentioned in this section only where they bear immediately on party relationships at a national level. The Colombian political elite, in the period under review, put a heavy stress upon abstract political speculation. Chapter Two gives an account of how ideological postures were used to substantiate partisan and personal positions and of how ideological restatements gave sporadic sensations of renewal to the Conservative party. Chapters Three and Four consider the relationships between the Conservative party and principal institutions - the Church, the army and the police. The role of the Church was crucial because it was expected by Conservatives - at least, until 1949 - to act as the primary bulwark of the social and political order. Despite its claim to a single identity, the Church rarely behaved coherently, largely as a consequence of contrasting regional patterns of social, religious and political behaviour. The ways these were projected nationally are considered at length. The failure of the Church to maintain the public order led Conservatives to fall back on the army and police. Liberals, for much of the period studied, considered the army to be a Conservative institution and built up the police as a countervailing force. Certain Conservatives strove to preserve the army as a partisan institution, and, from 1946, tried to convert the police force into a Conservative instrument. The destabilizing impact of the relationships of the parties with the coercive arms of the state is considered; and the relationship of civilian Conservative and miltary leaders before the coup of 1953 is stressed. Chapter Five contains a brief study of Conservatives and elections. It falls into two parts: some qualitative statements about electoral behaviour are substantiated by some quantitative data. Chapter Six considers the national leadership of the Conservative party by focusing upon two of its outstanding figures: Laureano Gómez, unequalled leader in the period undertaken and president in 1950, who represented the tradition of confrontation at its most persistent and articulate; and Mariano Ospina Pérez, president in 1946 and arguably the most important Conservative figure after 1953, who represented a tradition of conciliation and concession. Some conclusions about patterns of leadership with reference to other Conservative leaders then follow. Conservative activity in the regions is considered in Chapter Seven. The department of Antioquia receives particular attention, and the Santanders some. This section stresses variations in political style and underlines the proclivity of the party structure to fission and breakdown. Some general perspectives on the Conservative party then follow. Appendix One contains a brief account of the role of the press in Colombia. Appendices Two and Three serve to illustaate the election materials in Chapter Five. An extensive bibliography should go some way towards correcting the paucity of bibliographical aids on twentieth-century Colombia.

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One of the most controversial figures in Colombian history is that of Jorge Eliecer Gaitan, whose assassination of April 9, 1948, ended a twenty-year career in national politics.1 The Colombian writer-diplomat, Juan Lozano Y Lozano, has distinguished Gaitan as the man most responsible for creating a "new mood: in twentieth century Colombian politics.2 Essentially, this "new mood" is that of increased interest in national social problems which, during the lifetime of Gaitan, was accompanied by an increasing demand on the part of the masses for significant participation in the political processes of the nation. The paper is divided into three chapters. The first describes the setting for the initial political activity of Gaitan: the Colombian capital, Bogota. The second is a biographical study of Gaitan. The third examines the impact of Gaitan on Bogata during his term as mayor. An epilogue briefly discusses Gaitan after his mayoralty.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research assignment deals with the breakdown in the Clausewitzian concept of the modern trinitarian structure of war. Martin Van Creveld in his book entitled, “The Transformation of War” written in 1991, discusses ‘Future War’ and the way in which wars will be fought. It will not be the highly technical interstate kind of war the West has been preparing for, but rather low intensity conflict where the lines between state, soldier and civilian become blurred, society becomes a war zone and the conflict becomes a more direct experience for the people. Colombia is a prime example of where this is occurring and the most salient manifestation of the low intensity conflict is the blurring of the lines between war and crime. There are left wing guerrillas fighting for social justice for the dispossessed population, but their tactics resemble crime and the government views them as terrorists. They run a self-sufficient organisation, one of the most profitable insurgent groups in the world largely funded through kidnap ransom payments. The right-wing paramilitaries are on a quest to cleanse Colombian society of the guerrillas and assassinate suspected guerrilla sympathisers. To complicate issues, both insurgent groups are involved in the drug trafficking trade, whether it be directly or by way of taxing land on which coca is grown. In this situation, war and crime have become inextricably linked and a distinction between the two is impossible on both practical and conceptual levels. However, if it is not crime and it is not war, but a complicated melange of the two, a new framework for analysis is required in order to attempt a solution. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsprojek gaan oor die ineenstorting van die Clausewitziaanse begrip van die moderne Trinitariese oorlogstruktuur. In sy boek, getiteld "The Transformation of War" wat in 1991 geskryf is, bespreek Martin van Creveld die 'toekomstige oorlog' en die wyse waarop oorloë gevoer staan te word. Dit sal nie die hoogs tegniese interstaatlike soort oorlog wees waarvoor die Weste hom voorberei nie, maar eerder 'n lae intensiteitskonflik waar die lyne tussen die staat, soldaat en burgerlike ineenvloei; die gemeenskap word 'n oorlogsone en die konflik word 'n direkte ervaring vir die bevolking. Kolombië is 'n goeie voorbeeld van waar dit besig is om plaas te vind en die mees kenmerkende manifestasie van die lae intenstiteitskonflik is die vervloeiing van die skeidslyne tussen oorlog en misdaad. Daar is linksgesinde guerrillas wat om sosiale geregtigheid veg namens die onteiende bevolking, maar hul taktiek kom voor soos misdaad; en die regering beskou hulle inderdaad as misdadigers. Hulle beheer 'n selfversorgende organisasie, een van die winsgewendste versetsgroepe in die wêreld wat tot 'n groot mate gefinansier word by wyse van ontvoering van mense, met die eis van lospryse vir vrybetaling. Die regsgesinde paramilitêre groepe is op 'n sending om die Kolombiaanse gemeenskap te suiwer van die guerrillas en bring vermeende guerrilla simpatiseerders om die lewe. Om sake te kompliseer, is albei opstandsgroepe betrokke in die dwelmsmokkelhandel, hetsy direk, of indirek by wyse van belasting op die grond waarop coca gekweek word. In hierdie situasie het oorlog en misdaad onteenseglik verweefd met mekaar geraak en is dit nie moontlik om enige onderskeid tussen hulle te tref op hetsy die praktiese of die konseptuele vlakke nie. Indien dit dan nie oorlog is nie en ook nie misdaad nie, maar wel 'n ingewikkelde verweefdheid van die twee, dan word 'n nuwe analitiese raamwerk vereis om te poog om 'n oplossing te vind.