Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1975. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 358-393).

Based on the author's thesis, Ankara. / "Yeniden gözden geçirilip Belgeler eklenerek Genişletilmiş" V.2 published by BDS yayınları, 1992. Includes bibliographical references and index.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1983. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 138-142).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 222-238).

Based on the author's thesis, Ankara. / "Yeniden gözden geçirilip Belgeler eklenerek Genişletilmiş" Includes index. v.2 published by BDS yayınları, 1992. Includes bibliographical references.

Thèse--Université de Paris. / At head of title: Faculté de droit de l'Université de Paris. "Bibliographie": p. [95]-98.

Thesis--Uppsala. / Summary in English. Bibliography: p. 421-434.

This thesis asks why some centre-right formations have been more successful than others in the new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. It does so by examining a single centre-right formation – the Romanian Democratic Convention. It adds to an existing body of literature that covers the development of political parties in post-Communist Central and Eastern Europe and to the small number of studies focusing on centre-right parties in the region. Specifically it adds to the literature on party success and failure and to that on Romanian party and electoral politics. The Romanian Democratic Convention is chosen to add new insights: it is unusual because it is a study of organisational failure and because there is a geographical imbalance in the published studies of the politics of the region towards the Visegrad states. The thesis acknowledges existing academic debate about the competing influences of historical legacies, agency and structural factors in relation to post-Communist democratisation. It aims to identify what led the Convention to first establish itself but then fail to consolidate and eventually to collapse. It draws on a range of sources: semi-structured interviews; contemporaneous newspaper reports; published diaries and autobiographies and a number of secondary sources. The thesis is structured thematically, examining the role of legacies and critical events in shaping long term behaviour by politicians (chapters three and four); organisational factors and the influence of operational objectives (chapter five); the search for a broad and integrative ideology (chapter six). The conclusions in chapter seven suggest that successfully crafting a new, broad political formation requires a degree of pragmatism, directive leadership and political entrepreneurship that was missing from the Democratic Convention because it was shaped by Romania's transition from Communism, by its organisational structure and by differences within its leadership elite so that competing operational objectives could not be reconciled when the formation entered government.

This thesis addresses the paradox of capitalist market reform being introduced by a politically undefeated communist state in China. It does so by developing an historical account of the Chinese polity's relationship with the modern world. Chapter one offers a critique of existing explanations; these tend to focus narrowly on the immediate circumstances surrounding the decision to reform and thereby eschew analysis of the specific dynamics of the Chinese Revolution. In so doing, they also ignore its origins within the welter of contradictions arising from the process of capitalist internationalization, giving no causal efficacy to ‘the international' in explaining this dramatic social transformation. In response to this neglect, chapter two invokes Leon Trotsky's ‘theory of uneven and combined development' as an alternative approach to the study of social contradictions within and amongst societies across the longue durée. This approach is then applied to the Chinese case in three steps, which consider, successively, the impact of British colonialism on the Qing dynasty, the emergence of a Chinese nationalism, and the specificities of Maoism. Chapter three shows how British imperialism integrated Qing China into the capitalist world by revolutionising global finance and imposing ‘free trade' through military force. This capitalist penetration of a tributary state created a unique amalgam of social relations that inhibited China's ability to ‘catch up' with the advancedcapitalist powers. Focusing on how these processes and pressures fostered a transformation in social consciousness, chapter four then outlines the emergence of a 'national imagination' amongst a new stratum of intellectuals outside of the traditional scholar-gentry ruling class. These layers turned to anti-imperialism, but also found their own country deficient in the face of colonialism and longed for a mythical restoration of ‘lost' Chinese power. The Russian Revolution dramatically raised the horizons of these new, modern Chinese, but also exposed a deep tension between internationalist and nationalist responses to the crisis of colonial capitalism. Chapter five outlines the role of national patriotism in the authoritarian decay of the communist project, arguing that Maoism represented a complementary amalgam of Soviet Stalinism with Chinese nationalism. This nationalism, however, resulted in tense relations with the Soviet Union after 1949 as China's elite rejected its tutelage. Chinese communists desired ‘national salvation' and, once Soviet-style planning failed to achieve it, they took the ‘capitalist road' to build a strong nation-state. Existing explanations of Chinese economic reform overlook this concatenation of local and global processes across the longue durée. The thesis shows, however, that this ‘methodological nationalism' results in a failure to give sufficient weight to the real-world political nationalism that underpinned market reform. The theory of uneven and combined development answers this absence by placing Chinese development in the global setting. Its dialectical account of history rejects the view that sees ‘cultural analysis' as an alternative to class based explanation, but rather treats nation, culture, ideology and class as essential moments in the uneven and combined reproduction of the world system.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Melbourne, Dept. of Political Science, 2000. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 448-476).