Thesis--Frankfurt am Main. / In German or English. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 211-225).

This thesis attempts to contextualize the emergence and development of South African Marxist studies in terms of political and economic changes in South Africa, the influence of overseas Marxist and related theories and internal and external historiographical developments. The early Marxist approach was constituted by the climate of political repression and economic growth in South Africa during the 1960's, by its antagonism to the dominant liberal analyses of the country, and by the presence of indigenous Marxist theories of liberation. The unstable theoretical foundations of this approach prompted a critique and reassessment, which led to the coalescence of a stable Marxist paradigm and the start of the second phase of Marxist studies. The debate on the nature of the state that characterized this second phase was informed by the rival Marxist political theories of Nicos Poulantzas and the West German Staatsableitung school, and proved to be largely inconclusive. However, under circumstances of a resurgence of resistance and economic decline in South Africa, the late-1970's debate focussed attention squarely upon the revolutionary potential of the black working class. The heightening of struggle and a growing awareness of crisis formed the basis for the 1980's shift away from the reductionism and instrumentalism of the earlier literature. Continuing research on the state highlighted issues of strategy, the spaces for struggle opened up by the restructuring of the state and capital, and the degree of state autonomy. The political and economic gains made by the oppressed also combined with the influence of elements of British Marxist historiography and a reaction to the 'structuralism' of the 1970's to produce Marxist social history, emphasizing subjective human agency and 'history from below'. The social historical perspective dominates Marxist studies in the 1980's, and has influenced both the tradition of Marxist Africanism, focussing on pre-colonial African social formations, and the related approach to agrarian history. It is argued in the . conclusion that recent calls for a synthesis of structuralist Marxism and social history within South African Marxist studies take for granted the dualist appearance of Marxism and fails to reflect upon Marxism's essentially monistic presupposition. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1988.

Jurisprudence / (LL.D.)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Cold War was regarded as a struggle between East and West, and was based on ideological differences, socialism as opposed to capitalism. Socialism represented a dictatorship as opposed to capitalism and democracy. This war was mainly between America and Russia and direct confrontation was avoided. Countries worldwide were involved. The Soviet Union’s policy of expansionism and the effects of dictatorship could have detrimentally effected the free West. Although the Cold War intensified after the Second World War (SWW), the mistrust between the main roleplayers was already evident during the SWW. South Africa’s domestic circumstances and policy pertaining to communism involved the country in the Cold War. The founding and growth of the Communist Party and communism in South Africa occurred in phases. After its establishment it was linked to the Comintern, the central organisation in Russia. The establishment of socialism here was to be according to certain strategies. Initially it was a white party and the aim was a white socialist South Africa. This approach was altered by the Comintern. The party was politically on an island. The membership was also too small. In order to give effect to the revolutionary goal, drastic changes were necessary. Black people were recruited and co-operation with black organisations gained momentum. A socialist black Republic became the focus. The domestic politics since formation of the Union was dominated by whites and driven mainly by two parties who alternated government until 1948. The one being conservative and the other more liberal. The 1948 elections won by the conservative National Party (NP) had a profound influence on the internal affairs of the country. Racial discrimination, which already existed, was in line with the policy of a white South Africa where whites ruled and was extended and confirmed by legislation. The aspirations of black people for political and social justice were declined. Separate development of black people was to satisfy those aspirations. Brown people and Indians would have been dealt with in other uncertain ways. Communism was rejected and legislation introduced against it. The domestic policy based on race and racial division created a more divided society. However, the discrimination attracted resistance from black people who organised themselves. In this peroid of growing resistance, communists usurped into black organisations. During this oversight period, Korea went through two important moments. The first was with the internal uprising in the south within the vacuum which was created after Japan, as colonial ruler of Korea, was forced to surrender during the SWW. The uprising was successfully suppressed. The second was the Korean War. By an earlier agreement it was decided that Korea will be divided. America would be entrusted with the management of the South, and Russia in the North. With the support of Russia, North Korea invaded and attacked the South with the aim of subjection. With the outbreak of the war North Korea was communistic and South Korea capitalistic and democratic. Under the auspices of the UNO and the leadership of America this onslaught was successfully fended off. Various countries, including South Africa, participated. Participation in the war was primarily based on the country’s internal affairs and the rejection of communism and ... The Korean War was covered by the media in South Africa. For the purpose of this study, discussion of the media coverage is narrowed to that of two Cape daily newspapers. The coverage does not deal with any battles, but rather the reason for the war, the attitude of the government towards the war, the military personnel and their achievements and the costs of the war. Lastly, a review of the uncritical reporting of the media and a possible explanation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Koue Oorlog was gesien as ‘n stryd tussen die Ooste en Weste, gegrond op ‘n ideologiese verskil. Dit was sosialisme teenoor kapitalisme. Sosialisme het ‘n diktatuur verteenwoordig teenoor kapitalisme en demokrasie. Hierdie oorlog was hoofsaaklik tussen Amerika en Rusland, met vermyding van direkte konfrontasie. Lande wêreldwyd is betrek. Die ekspansionistiese beleid van die Sowjetunie en die gevolge van ‘n diktatuur kon die vrye Weste negatief beïnvloed. Al het die Koue Oorlog na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog (TWO) toegeneem, was die wantroue tussen die hoofrolspelers gedurende die TWO sigbaar. Suid-Afrika se binnelandse omstandighede en beleid oor kommunisme het die land by die Koue Oorlog betrek; Die ontstaan en opkoms van die Kommunistiese Party en kommunisme in Suid-Afrika het deur stadia gegaan. Na totstandkoming is dit by die Komintern, die sentrale organisasie in Rusland, ingeskakel. Om sosialisme te lande te vestig is sekere strategieë bepaal. Aanvanklik was dit ‘n wit party met ‘n wit sosialistiese Suid-Afrika as doel. Hierdie benadering het in opdrag van die Komintern verander. Polities was die party op ‘n eiland. Die getalle was ook te klein. Om by die rewolusionêre doelwit uit te kom moes dringende aanpassings kom. Swartmense is gewerf en samewerking met swart organisasies het momentum gekry. Die fokus het na ‘n swart sosialistiese Republiek verskuif; Die binnelandse politiek sedert Unie-wording in 1910 is deur witmense binne hoofsaaklik twee partye gedryf wat afwisselend tot 1948 regeer het. Die een meer konserwatief en die ander meer liberaal. Die 1948-verkiesing wat deur die konserwatiewe Nasionale Party (NP) gewen is, het ‘n ingrypende uitwerking op die binnelandse sake van die land gehad. Die rassediskriminasie wat reeds bestaan het was in lyn met ‘n beleid van ‘n wit Suid- Afrika waar wit regeer het en ook deur wetgewing uitgebrei en bevestig is. Die aspirasies van swartmense vir politieke en sosiale geregtigheid is afgewys. Afsonderlike ontwikkeling van swart mense moes daardie aspirasies bevredig. Bruinmense en Indiërs sou op ander onsekere wyses hanteer word. Kommunisme is verwerp en wetgewing is teen dit ingestel. Die binnelandse beleid op grond van ras en rasseskeiding het ‘n verder verdeelde samelewing geskep. Hierdie diskriminasie het weerstand vanaf swartmense uitgelok wat hulself organisatories begin rig het. Kommuniste is mettertyd binne hierdie groeiende weerstand in swart organisasies opgeneem. Korea het gedurende die oorsigtyd twee belangrike momente beleef. Die eerste was die binnelandse opstande in die suide wat binne die vakuum onstaan het nadat Japan, as koloniale heerser van Korea, tydens die TWO tot oorgawe gedwing is. Die opstande is suksesvol onderdruk. Die tweede was die Koreaanse Oorlog. By ‘n vroeëre ooreenkoms is bepaal dat Korea in twee sal verdeel. Bestuur van die suide sal aan Amerika toevertrou word, met Rusland in die noorde. Met ondersteuning van Rusland het Noord-Korea die suide binnegeval om dit geweldadig te onderwerp. Onder gesag van die VVO en onder leiding van Amerika is hierdie aanslag suksesvol teengestaan. Verskeie lande, waaronder Suid-Afrika, het deelgeneem. Met die oorlog was Noord-Korea kommunisties en Suid- Korea kapitalisties en demokraties. Deelname aan die oorlog was hoofsaaklik as gevolg van Suid-Afrika se binnelandse toestand en die afwysing van kommunisme; en Die Koreaanse Oorlog is deur die media in Suid-Afrika gedek. Vir doeleindes van hierdie studie word bespreking van die mediadekking vernou tot dié van twee Kaapse dagblaaie. Die dekking behandel nie die veldslae nie, maar eerder die agtergrond tot en rede vir die oorlog, die ingesteldheid van die regering tot die oorlog, die militêre personeel en hulle prestasies en die koste van deelname. Dan, ‘n oorsig oor die kritieklose verslaggewing van die media en ‘n moontlike verklaring daarvoor.

Jurisprudence / (LL.D.)

M.A. (Political Studies) / The study sets out to establish the importance of perceptions in policy formulation and to illustrate this with reference to South African policy formulators' perceptions of the communist threat against the country. It is commonly accepted by theoreticians that in policy making, the state of the environment does not matter so much as what policy formulators believe it to be. Furthermore, there will always be a discrepancy between images of reality and reality itself. The operation of various mechanisms that influence perception and may, over time, result in inaccurate images, are highlighted in the first part of the study. A second part focuses on early perceptions of the communist threat in the post- Second World War period. This provides the basis for an in-depth discussion of perceptions and measures to counter the perceived threat during Prime Minister Vorster's term of office (1966-78) and part of Botha's premiership (1978-82). Four outstanding and related themes can be identified in the study. The first is the perception of a constantly growing communist threat to both the internal and external security of South Africa. A second theme evolves around policy formulators' growing awareness, and later acceptance, of South Africa's international isolation to counter the perceived threat. A related perception is that Western powers, by refusing to help South Africa, not only make themselves available as handymen of the communists, but form part of a total onslaught against the Republic. South Africa's increased reliance on more aggressive means to ensure its security, is a third theme. This illustrates the interplay between perceptions and decisions. A final theme refers to the initial identification of the threat as directed primarily at whites. Later, no doubt due to the perceived need for a united South African response to the threat, the emphasis shifted to include all population groups as targets of communist subversion...

M.A. / The following dissertation examines the political and economic policy approaches of the South African Communist Party for, in main, the period 1993 to 1996. The study is an exploratory one and relies largely upon the policy expressions that have emanated from the SACP, in official or related documents, during the period 1993 to 1996. Although interviewees are acknowledged in the appended source list, these have not been explicitly referred to in the text. The dissertation opens with the submission of an hypothesis, towards the tentative substantiation of which it works throughout. The hypothesis should none the less be subject to further consideration and critique. The central argument made in the dissertation is that: It is a product of the revisionism within the SACP that followed the upheavals in the Soviet bloc and the Apartheid state in the period 1989 to 1993, that the Party should no longer be understood according to older Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy or the two-stage revolutionary theory that sustained it during the exile period of 1950 to 1990. Moreover, the Party's fusion with the ANC by means of common programmatic platforms, in 1955 and again in 1993/1994, has allowed it to neglect the development of its vision of a post-apartheid socialist transformation. These factors resulted in the elimination of tangible benchmarks according to which the Party could have measured progress towards socialism in the period after the South African democratic election of 1994, and have exacerbated the Party's inability, by itself, or as part of a Left vanguard, to engage effectively with the Rightward shift that the post-apartheid democracy has taken since 1996. The study concludes, however, that there is some scope for the Party to engage with the global 'neo-liberal' order and South Africa's essentially liberal democracy. This engagement might be based upon the Party's now secular political agenda and should be aimed at deepening South Africa's democracy.

Until a few years ago, it was widely held that, ‘apartheid cannot be reformed, it can only be destroyed’. Today, all participants in the negotiation process are agreed that one fundamental characteristic of the social order must be preserved: the new South Africa is to be a capitalist society; the productive wealth of the country will be the private property of a small number of capitalists, and the vast majority will try to sell their labour for a wage to capitalists who will buy it only when that labour can contribute to their profits. There is still disagreement about how small or large the number of capitalists will be; about the colour of their skins; about who they will appoint to manage their mines, banks, factories and farms for them; about the rules that will govern disputes over wages; and above all about the use that the state will make of the taxes paid from their profits. There is also disagreement about the extent to which capitalism can afford to meet popular needs. But all of these disagreements take place within the framework of a common belief that the future is capitalist. The aim of this seminar series, held by the Marxist Theory Seminar at the University of the Western Cape in April/May 1993, was to pose the question: What are the limits of social reform in a capitalist South Africa? Can the fundamental needs and aspirations of the vast majority of South Africans be met within a capitalist framework? Very often these questions are brushed aside with the argument that, given the present balance of local and international forces, there is no alternative to capitalism in SA today. Even if this argument is correct, it still remains necessary to ask what can be achieved within the framework of the capitalist society to which there is no alternative. If that question is not posed in the most rigorous way, all kinds of illusions will be created about what the future holds in store for us. The question of the limits of capitalist reform in SA is posed as it concerns five different areas; democracy, education, economic growth and employment, land and the oppression of women. What will democracy mean in a new SA which depends on foreign investment and capitalist profitability? Can the education crisis be resolved while meeting the needs of capitalist growth? Will economic growth take place in a capitalist SA, and will this lead to the creation of jobs and a higher standard of living for the majority? Can land be restored to the dispossessed, the virtual slavery of millions of farm workers ended, and land used in a way that produces food for all? What are the prospects of ending the oppression of women in a capitalist South Africa? MTS does not believe that there are simple answers to these questions. Certainly, these questions cannot be answered by a general condemnation of the inequality and inhumanity of capitalism. In each case, it is necessary to give clear answers to such questions as: Has capitalism served historically to support the struggle for democracy or to oppose it? How has it affected education in SA? What are the present interests of the capitalists in solving the land question, or giving women control of their lives? To what extent can capitalism be forced to make concessions - to provide jobs, for example - by the struggles of the oppressed? In the past, capitalism has shown itself to be much more flexible than its critics have supposed. That does not mean that capitalism can do anything it likes, nor that the working class can force it to meet whatever demands it has. One of the indispensable insights of Marxism is that processes of social change are not determined by the intentions or integrity of political leaders, but rather by the fundamental relationships of society and the ability of the major classes to pursue their interests created by these relationships. We hope that the publication of this seminar series contributes to making this insight available to a wider audience. / Marxist theory seminar

M.A. (History) / The main purpose of this study is to expose a hidden dimension in the annals of African resistance politics. This dimension has never received adequate attention thus the repercussions of its influence has not been adequately accounted for. This dimension is centred on the causes and consequences of conflict between the ANC Africanist Youth League and the Communist Party. The Africanist Youth League was convinced that its conflict with the Communist Party was in defence of African nationalism and self-determination. The Communist Party's infiltration of the ANC and its concerted efforts to derail it and the Youth League from African Nationalism, comes under critical scrutiny in this study. Thus, the popular view of the Youth League's conflict with the ANC is proved to have been the sub-plot of the main ideological rivalry between the Communist Party and the ANC Youth League.

“The post-apartheid Left is a group of people whose values and visions go way beyond apartheid, in fact, go right back to the 19th century Europe, in the final analysis, and perhaps even earlier, to people like Marx and Engels and so on, to a vision of an industrial and even post-industrial world, in which human beings would live in harmony without exploitation, without oppression, and not merely without racial exploitation, in other words also without class exploitation, without gender oppression and so on.” - Dr Neville Alexander, May 1997.