This thesis shows the different features of Korean reflexives compared to Japanese reflexives. In Chapter 1, the differences of Japanese and Korean reflexives are discussed morphologically and syntactically. The general referential relationship of Japanese and Korean reflexives is discussed. In Chapter 2, empathy expressions of the Japanese reflexive zibun and Korean reflexive caki is discussed. In Chapter 3, the semantic interpretation of the plural form of Japanese and Korean reflexive, zibun-tati and caki-tul, is discussed. In Chapter 4, a brief conclusion is presented. Further work on Korean reflexives is necessary to account for Korean anaphora.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 220-227). / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / xvi, 227 leaves, bound ill. 29 cm

The object of this thesis is to present a comprehensive analysis of the phrase structure and the properties of the subject in spoken French and Japanese. Consulting histories, grammars, and a corpus of transcribed speech from each language, a comparative examination of the oral codes of both languages is conducted, which highlights not only the significant distinctions between the two but also the similarities. These distinctions are not just the result of structural differences between the two languages, but are more that of a distinct classification of our experiences. By pointing out the distinguishing characteristics of the oral codes of the two languages, this study attempts to bring us to a better understanding of the two languages and equally of the cultures from which they are inseparable.

I offer evidence from a variety of fields in order to strengthen the hypothesis that Japonic and Korean are linguistically genetically related to one another. Non-linguistic evidence supports the hypothesis that the Japonic language was introduced into the Japanese Archipelago approximately 2,500 years ago over a thousand year period, where a culturally and technologically advanced group began migrating into the Japanese Archipelago from the Korean Peninsula through Northern Kyushu. A constant and steady influx of Continental culture, language, and people, resulted in the near-complete extinction of the original language. The linguistic evidence comes from Middle Korean texts, written in the Silla-descended language of the 15th century-the kingdom that overwhelmed the Puyo, Koguryo, and Paekche territory and languages, thought to be more closely related to Japonic-and 8th century Old Japanese texts. I hypothesize that there were two "thalossocracies": one with lzumo and Silla, and the second with Yamato and Paekche/Kaya Japonic elements were incorporated into the Silla language when Silla folded Kaya and Paekche into the new kingdom. In the same way, Yamato incorporated Silla-type elements into itself when Yamato overtook Izumo. I introduce evidence that supports Serafim's Labiovelar hypothesis; i.e. MK k : OJ p, reconstructing PKJ *kw1. I also found a "reverse" correspondence set: that is, MKp : OJ k, for which I reconstruct *kw2. I hypothesize that this reverse correspondence is due to dialect borrowing. When Silla conquered the Korean Peninsula, it incorporated into itself Kaya, Paekche, and Koguryo, which were closer in genetic relationship to Japonic, and therefore would have (*kw > ) p. As these three languages were overcome, dialect borrowing likely occurred, which means that words with p instead of (*kw > ) k were borrowed into Silla, sometimes replacing and sometimes forming doublets with words retaining k. The second posited case of dialect borrowing occurred when Yamato overtook lzumo; since Silla had close contact with lzumo, words with (*kw > ) k were borrowed into Yamato, replacing, and sometimes forming doublets with, some words with p. Further research will surely lead to more understanding of the measurable effects of dialect borrowing and Proto-Koreo-Japonic. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2003. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 235-243). / Electronic reproduction. / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / vii, 246 leaves, bound 29 cm

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This dissertation explores a family of temporal meanings pertaining to when, as it appears in When the results were negligible, Galdwin asked why; when she was 50, she left him; and Lowe took a 3-1 lead into the 5th when he finally surrendered his first home run of the season. A widely-accepted view is that when used this way functions as a generalpurpose temporal connective, with underspecified semantics reminiscent to after, during or before, which vary depending on the surrounding context. I propose a heavy revision of this particular claim; surrounding contexts do not by themselves determine the temporal interpretation of when, but they function to strengthen the basic meaning already imposed by grammatical features and lexical constraints. The present system provides accounts for several empirical problems related to corpus-based examples which are inconsistent with previous approaches to the semantics of when. A further characteristic of the present study is its cross-linguistic nature. I extend the analysis of when to toki(-ni), the Japanese counterpart to when. Comparing English and Japanese, I argue that the two languages share the fundamental semantic system but employ different sets of triggering factors for the strengthening process. Supporting evidence for my arguments comes from two manuallyculled newstext corpora prepared for this study. Chapter 1 gives an introduction to the phenomena and issues of interest. I address three distinct temporal relations holding between the when- and main clause events. Forward-sequence entails that the when- clause event occurs earlier than the main, as in when the results were negligible, Galdwin asked why. Overlap consists of two clauses that denote overlapping events, as in when she was 50, she left him. Backward-sequence entails that the when- clause event takes place after the main clause event, as in Lowe took a 3-1 lead into the fifth when he finally surrendered his first home run of the season. Discussions in later chapters assume some familiarity to temporal and discourse semantics literature. Chapter 2 has been devoted to providing such background information, including an introduction to Discourse Representation Theory (Kamp and Reyle (1993)) and Two-Component Aspect Theory (Smith (1993, 1997)). For visual presentation of my ideas, I adopt Blackburn & Bos’ (2000) DRS-building scheme. In Chapter 3 I sketch previous analyses on when- sentences and address their empirical problems. I discuss two streams of approaches. Under one view, when commits to placing two eventualities temporally close to each other, without fixing their relative order (Heinëmäki (1978), Ritchie (1979) and Hinrichs (1986)). An implication of this type of proposal is that whenever a when appears, there is little restriction as to which one of the temporal meanings is chosen. Thus, for these authors when is a general-purpose temporal adverbial used without a specific temporal meaning built into it. Alternatively, scholars such as Moens and Steedman (1989) and Sändström (1993) argue that when does not order events temporally; it only adds an implication concerning event consequentiality, namely that the main clause event is a consequence of the when clause event. A major problem common to both approaches is empirical. The former entails that when is vague as to its temporal implications, when in actuality a given when sentence is usually associated with only one of the temporal meanings. The latter approach, on the other hand, is misleading in giving the impression that all when sentences bear a consequential relation: corpus examples in the present study reveal that it is not true. Chapter 4 presents English corpus data collected for this study and an analysis of when- sentences that avoids the problems surrounding the previous approaches, with emphasis on the claim that pragmatic information is fully responsible for rendering the temporal meanings associated with when. I examine this proposal critically and arrive at a hybrid system where grammatical and pragmatic or extra-linguistic informational contents work in tandem. I also discuss DRT construction rules for when and demonstrate my system for some key examples drawn from the corpus. Chapter 5 turns to a cross-linguistic consideration, focusing on Japanese. After reviewing the literature on Japanese toki-ni (“when” lit. time-at) sentences, such as that authored by Yoshimoto and Mori (2003), I discuss Japanese corpus data and argue for one salient difference between the systems in the two languages: the strengthening processes in English tend to allude to pragmatic and extra-linguistic information while those in Japanese are more directly affected by grammatical factors such as tense marking variations and particle-drop. Chapter 6 concludes the study. I mention some remaining issues, for the purpose of suggesting some future avenues of research which the achievement of this study opens up. Two appendices are included at the end of this dissertation. One explains technical details regarding the corpora used in this study. The other is a summary of miscellaneous numerical results I have obtained while I worked on the project. / text

Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 188-198). / Electronic reproduction. / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / xvi, 198 leaves, bound ill. 29 cm

This study investigates how Japanese learners of English respond to English negative questions. Previous research has reported that Japanese learners of English make errors in yes/no responses to English negative questions due to the first language (L1) influence (Kang & Lim-chang, 1998; Takashima, 1989). From the perspective of L1 influence, there are two learning pitfalls: different functions of the yes/no response and different interpretations of negative questions. Both of these influences were examined in this study. This study involved 8 Japanese learners of English, 4 females and 4 males, attending Portland State University (PSU). In order to elicit data that reflect the effect of Japanese English Language Teaching (ELT), the subjects were chosen so that at the time of data elicitation, they had less than 6 months of experience in an English-speaking environment. In addition, all the participants had English instruction in Japan at least through high school. In order to see how the L1 influenced their yes/no answers to negative questions, I used two data elicitation methods: an oral interview with a native speaker and a retrospective protocol analysis of the interview. The results indicated the following: First, the participants appeared to respond to English negative questions fairly consistently with the English norm. Deviation was observed only when a negative question had a negative expected answer. Particularly, the stronger the expectation for a negative answer was, the more likely it was that the negative question elicited an incorrect yes/no response. Secondly, the participants interpreted the polarity of the expected answer based on the Japanese norm. With the help of context, they usually interpreted the stimulus sentence correctly. However, when an expected answer was ambiguous for any reason, the participants interpreted the stimulus sentence as having a negative expected answer, which is the default interpretation for Japanese negative questions. This study shows that the influence of the L1 on answers to negative questions requires complex analysis. That is, superficially the participants appeared to answer questions correctly, but a deeper analysis revealed that they still relied on an L1 interpretation norm.

Typescript. / Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1984. / Bibliography: leaves 118-123. / Microfiche. / lMaster negative: Microfiche MS33169. / vii, 123 leaves, bound ill. 29 cm