This examination of several languages permits the identification of universal characteristics of honorific forms, as well as possible explanations for those universals. The Japanese honorific system is described in some detail and contrasted with the honorific systems of ten other languages which are more briefly described: Javanese, Madurese, Thai, Korean, Dzongkha, Tibetan, Hindi, Malayalam, Kannada, and Guugu Yimidhirr. Data from those eleven languages explains how honorifics appear and spread through languages. An examination of Japanese indicates certain restrictions governing which parts of the vocabulary are elaborated as honorifics. Those restrictions are primarily semantic, although a few lexical and phonological factors must also be considered. Certain regularities in the appearance of honorifics could be observed in all of the languages. The honorific forms are always marked compared to the ordinary forms. Reference type honorifics always appear in a language prior to the addressee type. Reference honorifics appear first in the semantic domains related to humans; and the elaboration of honorific forms occurs in a certain implicational order. Naming (e.g. with titles) occurs first, followed by the elaboration of pronouns, verbs, nouns, and other parts of speech. All languages containing reference honorifics appear to elaborate parts of speech in that order. Among reference honorifics, the presence of non-actor forms always indicated the presence of actor forms. These synchronic implicational statements about honorifics have diachronic significance. In accounting for universal honorific forms, a limited set of explanations are necessary. These include general cognitive processes such as marking and degree of salience and common cultural behavior. For example, the concepts of power and solidarity can be used to describe a cultural universal of personal relations both linguistically and non-linguistically. The degree of elaboration of honorifics in different languages is also explained. The presence of honorifics in non-kinship based societies depends on a vertically organized social structure and ideology. In addition, the internal structure of the language may also affect the extent of honorific elaboration. If reference honorifics in a given language function to disambiguate NPs in discourse, they are elaborated to a greater extent than in languages where they only index social relationships.

The present study is aimed at analyzing ways of signaling politeness in the English language compared to the Spanish language with the purpose of helping ESL (English as a second language) and EFL (English as a foreign language) teachers to teach how politeness is achieved in English. ESL/EFL students should know how politeness is accomplished in English in order to communicate effectively in meetings held in English. In essence, I clarify what ways of signaling verbal politeness are found in English and how ESL/EFL teachers can integrate the teaching of those forms through interactions.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates how gratitude expressions may be expressed in Tshivenda. Studies on the expressions of gratitude have been conducted in various languages. Politeness is a pragmatic mechanism in which a variety of structures work together according to the speaker's intention of achieving smooth communication. Speech acts on the other hand is the same as an illocutionary act (intention of the sender). The same world can be used to perform different speech acts. The findings in this study is based on situations in which gratitude is expressed in response to receiving a reward, gift, favour, service and compliment (Eisentein and Bodman 1986). Gratitude is expressed when a person benefits from another person. In this study the data shows consistent use of expressions of gratitude within specific contexts. The results of this study are consistently interpretable in that the bigger the imposition on the giver, the more polite expressions are employed. Gratitude expressions have been analysed from gratitude functions. These functions include the following: Thanking, appreciations, liking, surprise, generosity, pleasure, indebtedness, relief, desire, caring, enthusiasm, reciprocate, reason, reassurance and compliment. In Tshivenda thanks, pleasure and appreciation have a high frequency and these gratitude functions show extreme politeness of the Venda people. There are also certain functions in Tshivenda which have a very low frequency, i.e. reason, desire, enthusiasm, reciprocate, generosity and caring. Therefore, they are not considered as possible gratitude functions in Tshivenda and are also unfamiliar in Tshivenda. / AFRRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek hoe uitdrukkings van dankbaarheid in Tshivenda uitgedruk kan word. Studies oor uitdrukkings van dankbaarheid is gedoen in verskeie tale. Beleefdheid is 'n pragmatiese meganisme waarin 'n verskeidenheid strukture saamwerk volgens die spreker se bedoeling om gladde kommunikasie te bewerkstellig. Spraakhandelinge, aan die anderkant, is dieselfde as illokusionere handelinge (bedoeling van die spreker). Dieselfde woord kan gebruik word om verskillende Spraakhandelinge uit te voer. Die bevindinge in hierdie studie is gebaseer op situasies waarin dankbaarheid uitgespreek word as antwoord op die ontvangs van 'n beloning, geskenk, guns en kompliment (Eisenstein en Bodman, 1986). Dankbaarheid word uitgedruk wanneer 'n persoon voordeel trek uit 'n ander persoon. In hierdie studie toon die data eenvormige gebruik van uitdrukkings van dankbaarheid binne spesifieke kontekste. Die resultate van hierdie studie is telkens interpreteerbaar soos volg: hoe grater die druk op die gewer, hoe meer beleefd is die dankbaarheids- uitdrukkings. Suike uitdrukkings is geanaliseer vanaf dankbaarheidsfunksies, naamlik bedanking, waardering, voorkeur, verrassing, vrygewigheid, plesier, skuld, verligting, begeerte, entoesiasme, wederkerigheid, rede, versekering en kompliment. In Tshivenda het bedanking, plesier en waardering 'n hoe frekwensie van voorkoms en hierdie dankbaarheidsuitdrukkings toon die besondere beleefdheid van die Venda. Daar is ook sekere funksies in Tshivenda wat 'n bate lae frekwensie het, naamlik rede, begeerte, entoesiasme, wederkerigheid, vrygewigheid en sorg. Dus kan hulle nie beskou word as moontlike dankbaarheidsfunksies in Tshivenda nie.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of the study is to examine the phenomenon of politeness in isiXhosa discourse within the speech acts of apology and complaint. Politeness is evidenced where nonverbal and verbal actions work together for the purpose of achieving smooth communication among speakers. The actions that occur through discourse are called speech acts. The most important aim of the speech act of apology is to maintain a good relationship among speakers. This study focusses specifically on the speech act of apology and the manner in which Xhosa speakers forward apologies and complaints among themsleves. Politeness theory will be used as a basis of this study. In this study, the main focuss is on how the male and female students forward complaints and apologies. It is discovered that, there are different ways of expressing apologies and complaints in isiXhosa in different situations, and the different ways in which males and females students forward apologies among themselves. For instance, in space situation, males forwarded more apologies as they occupied more space than females. In time situation, females forward more apologies as they were lacking more in time management than males do. According to Trosborg (1995) there are several ways or strategies of apology, which are as follows: The opting out-catergory; minimizing the degree of offence; indirect apologies; explanation or account; promise of forbearance and the offer of repair. It has been discovered firstly in this study, that females used more apology strategies than males. Secondly, four main apology strategies: request for forgiveness; explicit explanation; offer of apology and the expression of lack of intent have been extensively used by both males and females in the empirical data examined. Trosborg (1995) mentions eight complaints strategies, namely: hints; annoyance; ill consequences; direct complaints; indirect complaints; modified blame (behavior) and an explicit blame (person). Females used more complaint strategies than males. Five complaint strategies: direct complaint; annoyance; ill consequences; indirect complaint and the modified blame have been extensively used by both males and females. This study helps us to understand the different ways of expressing apologies and complaints in different situations in isiXhosa. The more appropriate apology and complaint is used, the better the communication. This becomes evident in the manner in which males and females forwarded apology and complaint strategies in the discourse analysed in this study. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie is om die verskynsel van beleefdheid in isiXhosa te ondersoek binne die uitvoering van die spraakhandelinge van verskoning en klagte. Beleefdheid word aangedui wanneer nie-verbale en verbale aksies saam van belang is vir die bereiking van doeltreffende kommunikasie tussen sprekers. Die handelinge wat plaasvind deur diskoers word spraakhandelinge genoem. Die belangrikste oogmerk van die spraakhandeling van verskoning is om goeie verhoudinge tussen sprekers te handhaaf. Hierdie studie fokus spesifiek op die spraakhandeling van verskoning en die wyse waarop Xhosasprekers verskonings en klagtes tussen mekaar uitruil. Beleefdheidsteorie sal as raamwerk gebruik word vir hierdie studie. Die studie gee ook aandag aan hoe vroulie en manlike studente verskonings uitruil. Dit word bevind dat daar verskillende wyses is waarop verskonings en klagtes in Xhosa uitgedruk word in verskillende situasies, en dat daar verskillende wyses is waarop manlike en vroulike studente verskonings uitruil. Byvoorbeeld, in 'n ruimte situasie gee manlike persone meer verskonings as vroulike persone, aangesien hulle meer ruimte in beslag neem. In 'n tyd situasie, gee vroulike persone meer verskonings as manlike persone aangesien dit voorkom of hulle minder besorg is oor tydsbestuur. Volgens Trosborg (1995), is daar verskeie wyses of strategieë van verskoning, insluitende die volgende: die uitwegkategorie, minimalisering van oortreding, indirekte verskonings, verduideliking, belofte van geduld, en aanbod vir herstel. Daar is bevind in die studie dat vroulike persone meer verskoning strategieë gebruik as manlike persone. Tweedens, vier hoof verskoning strategieë, nl. versoek vir vergiffenis, eksplisiete verduideliking, aanbod van 'n verskoning en die uitdrukking van 'n tekort aan bedoeling, is uitgebreid gebruik deur sowel manlike as vroulike persone. Trosborg (1995) noem agt klagte strategieë, naamlik skimpe, irritasie, sleg gevolge, direkte klagtes, indirekte klagtes, gewysigde blaam (t.o.v. gedrag), en eksplisiete blaam (t.o.v. 'n persoon). Die vroulike persone het meer klagte strategieë as manlike persone. Vyf klagtestrategieë, naamlik direkte klagte, irritasie, sleg gevolge, indirekte klagte, en die gewysigde blaam is uitgebreid gebruik deur sowel vroulike as manlike persone. Hierdie studie werp lig op die verskillende wyses van hoe verskonings in Xhosa uitgedruk word en klagtes in verskillende situasies. Hoe meer gepas 'n klagte of verskoning is, hoe meer doeltreffend vind die kommunikasie plaas. Hierdie feit word geïllustreer deur die wyses waarop manlike en vroulike persone verskonings maak, soos aangetoon in die studie.

Thesis (M. A. (African Languages)) -- University of the North, 2002 / Refer to document

Thesis (M. A. (African Languages)) -- University of Limpopo, 2004 / Refer to the document

Thesis (PhD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates how politeness may be employed in requests in Xhosa. While numerous studies on speech act have been conducted in different languages, the investigation of speech acts in African Languages, particularly Xhosa, shows no such progress. This study attempts to fill this gap by examining the notions of politeness in requests as perceived among the Xhosas. With the study of speech acts, two instances of meaning have been identified. In the first meaning a speaker utters a sentence and means exactly and literally what he says. In the second meaning the speaker utters a sentence with an additional illocution with a different prepositional content. It has been established that various meanings playa role in the understanding of indirect requests. This finding is based on the theory of Brown and Levinson's (1987) face work of politeness. Scholars like Clark and Schunk (1980) argue that the politeness of response is governed by the attentiveness hypothesis which states that the more attentive the hearer is to all aspects of the speaker's request, within reason, the more polite he is. One of the most common motivations for politeness is a request. Brown and Levinson (1987) define politeness as the manifestation of respect for and recognition of another's face. They delineate face into two components: negative face and positive face. Positive face is the way a person wants to be regarded, admired, or approved by others and to be treated as a friend. On the other hand, negative face is the person's desire not to be imposed on by other people. A request threatens face in the sense that it imposes on the hearer, that is why in some cases requests call for mitigation, so as to compensate for their impositive effect on the hearer. Various subcategories of requests within which negative politeness may appear have been established, as well as the various ways in which these subcategories of requests may be linguistically expressed in Xhosa. Three distribution types of request categories with negative politeness have been found: high frequency, No very regular and negligible. Requests with the highest frequency may be divided into three subcategories: compliance; information; and action. These subcategories demand non-threatening strategies: compliance demands obedience, action demand doing things with a desired result, and information demands knowledge from a person. These three are thus face-threatening acts, which demand respect for the hearer's antonomy. Such requests may seriously threaten the hearer's negative face. If no politeness strategy is attempted, these requests will be viewed as most threatening acts. The ten negative politeness strategies of Brown and Levinson did not apply to Xhosa because they have been developed for a Western language. In the place of these strategies, it has been found that negative politeness may be expressed in Xhosa through certain subcategories as above, but also through certain pragmatic functions by means of which negative politeness may be applied to avert a face-threatening act. Brown and Levinson (1987) list fifteen positive politeness strategies. In the case of the four Xhosa books, which were analyzed, only eight strategies for positive politeness were found. These strategies can be divided into two groups: high frequency and negligible. The most regular strategies are: seek agreement, give or ask for reasons, address forms, presupposition, and those, which include both speaker and hearer. An explanation for the high frequency of these strategies is to be found within positive politeness. Positive politeness forms emphasize closeness between speaker and hearer and it can be seen as a solidarity strategy. Thus, a face saving act, which is concerned with the person's positive face, will show solidarity. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek hoe beleeftheid aangewend kan word in Xhosa versoeke. Daar is verskeie studies oor spraakhandelinge in verskillende tale, maar die ondersoek na spraakhandelinge in die Afrikatale, veral Xhosa, toon nie sodanige vooruitgang nie. Hierdie studie poog om hierdie gaping te vul deur die begrip beleefdheid in versoeke by die Xhosa te ondersoek. In die studie van spraakhandelinge is twee instansies van betekenis geïdentifiseer. In die eerste betekenis uiter 'n spreker 'n sin en die betekenis is presies wat gesê word. In die tweede betekenis uiter die spreker 'n sin met 'n bykomende illokusie met 'n verskillende proposisionele indruk. Daar is vasgestel dat verskeie betekenisse 'n rol speel in die verstaan van indirekte versoeke. Hierdie bevinding is gebaseer op die teorie van Brown en Levinson (1987) se werk oor gesig in beleefdheid. Onder andere Clark en Schunk (1980) is van mening dat die beleefdheid van 'n respons op 'n versoek beheer word deur die attentheid hipotese waardeur aangedui word dat hoe meer aandagtig 'n hoorder is op alle aspekte van die spreker se versoek, hoe meer beleefd hy is. Een van die algemeenste motiverings vir beleefdheid is versoeke. Brown en Levinson (1987) definieer beleefdheid as die manifestasie van respek en erkenning van 'n ander se gesig. Hulle grens gesig af in twee dele: negatiewe gesig en positiewe gesig. Positiewe gesig is die wyse waarop 'n persoon beskou, bewonder of waardeer word deur ander en om soos 'n vriend behandel te word. Aan die ander kant, negatiewe gesig is 'n persoon se begeerte om nie bedrieg te word deur ander mense. 'n Versoek bedreig gesig in die sin dat dit misbruik maak van die hoorder. Dit is waarom in sommige gevalle daar versagting vir versoeke is om te vergoed vir die misbruikmaking op die hoorder. Verskeie subkategorieë van versoeke waarin negatiewe beleefdheid voorkom is onderskei, asook die verskillende wyses waarin hierdie subkategorieë van versoeke linguisties uitgedruk kan word in Xhosa. Drie spreidingstipes van versoek kategorieë met negatiewe beleefdheid is gevind: hoë frekwensie, nie baie reëlmatig en onbeduidend. Versoeke met die hoogste frekwensie kan verdeel word in drie subkategorieë: inskiklikheid, inligting en handeling. Hierdie subkategorieë vereis strategieë wat nie bedreiging inhou: inskiklikheid vereis gehoorsaamheid, handeling vereis dat iets gedoen moet word met 'n sekere resultaat, en inligting vereis kennis van 'n persoon. Hierdie drie is dus handelinge wat 'n bedreiging inhou vir gesig en wat respek vereis vir die hoorder se outonomie. Sulke versoeke kan 'n ernstige bedreiging inhou vir die hoorder se negatiewe gesig. As geen beleefdheidsstrategie gevolg word, kan hierdie versoeke beskou word as handelinge wat geweldig bedreigend is. Die tien negatiewe beleefdheidsstrategieë van Brown en Levinson (1987) is nie van toepassing in Xhosa nie, omdat dit ontwikkel is vir 'n Westerse taal. In die plek van hierdie strategieë is gevind dat negatiewe beleefdheid in Xhosa uitgedruk kan word deur sekere subkategorieë soos hierbo, maar ook deur sekere pragmatiese funksies waardeur negatiewe beleefdheid aangewend kan word om in handeling wat gesig bedreig af te weer. Brown en Levinson (1987) gee 15 strategieë vir positiewe beleefdheid. In die geval van Xhosa is agt (8) van hierdie strategieë gevind in die boeke wat geanaliseer is. Hierdie strategieë kan in twee groepe verdeel word: hoë frekwensie en onbeduidend. Die strategieë met die hoogste frekwensie is: soek ooreenstemming; gee of vra redes; aanspreekvorme, presupposisieen die wat beide spreker en hoorder insluit. 'n Verklaring vir die hoë frekwensie van hierdie strategieë kan gevind word in positiewe beleefdheid. Positiewe beleefdheid benadruk nabyheid tussen spreker en hoorder en dit kan gesien word as 'n solidariteitsstrategie. Dus, 'n handeling wat gesig red wat betrokke is by'n persoon se positiewe gesig sal solidariteit toon.