South Africa‟s participation in international peace missions is guided by the White Paper of 1998 and premised specifically on the country‟s foreign policy objectives based on its vision of “a better South Africa, a better Africa and a better world”. South Africa recognises itself as an integral part of the African continent and therefore sees its national interests as being intrinsically linked to Africa‟s stability, unity and prosperity. Since 1994, South Africa has placed itself at the forefront of Africa's peace and security endeavours, trying to transform itself from international villain during apartheid years to Pan-Africanist peacemaker. The country has played an instrumental role in both shaping and setting the normative agenda of the African Union and Southern African Development Community. South Africa‟s participation in conflict resolution and peace missions in Africa is informed by an understanding of the nexus that exists between peace, security and sustainable development. This research focuses on South Africa‟s diplomatic and peacekeeping engagement in Lesotho, covering the constitutional and electoral crises from 1994 - 2015 constitutional crisis. The author shows the importance and way forward to resolve conflicts before they become escalated and deadly. The study calls for a „timely‟ reaction to disputes and conflicts on the African continent via preventive diplomacy, conflict provention and addressing of underlying issues that give rise to disputes and conflict.

Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2003. / Thesis advisor(s): Letitia Lawson, Jeff Knopf. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Uppsala University, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 188-199).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Uppsala University, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 188-199).

The 1960's and the 1970's marked a great Pan-African movement in Africa, that saw the liberation of most African states. This Pan-African movement, was spearheaded by a quest to unite Africa, and to abate foreign occupation. Amidst the spirit of unity, lay a promise of an organization that would embody the hopes and aspirations of a continent undergoing a re-birth; a progression towards self-determination, economic development and integration, and the maintenance of peace. Therefore, the inception ofthe Organization of African Unity (OAD) was not only a symbol of a unifying force for Africans, but a diplomatic platform that would promote African needs on the international arena. In effect the OAU, at its inception, was for specific ideals that would guarantee liberation and unity of African states. The outcome of these ideals would be greater regional economic integration and the achievement of peace and stability. These ideals mirrored the structural definition of regional organization, with the inclusion of a Commission for Mediation Arbitration and Conciliation under the OAU Charter, to handle disputes among member states. However, the mere fact that this commission lacked the political wherewithal to resolve conflicts, by its sheer lack of a standing peacekeeping force, contributed to the inefficiency of the organization to play an effective role in conflict management. This study attempts to examine the role ofthe OAU in settling disputes. The study sought to accomplish this, in the following manner. Firstly, an investigation into the nature of conflict and why it persists in Africa was conducted. Further, an examination ofthe tools that practitioners utilize not only to study conflict, but to prevent, manage and resolve it, was done. During the investigation it was found that, although the OAU's greatest successes have come from preventive diplomacy, its structural foundations limit the capabilities of the organization to become more relevant. The Charter of the OAU alludes vaguely to the settlement of disputes, but without an executive political decision-making body able to deploy peacekeepers, its principles are largely meaningless. Amidst the growing concerns, the OAU as a matter of survival, developed initiatives it hopes will make it more effective and relevant. The focus ofthe study was the evolving role ofthe OAU, from its inception to its new role as an instrument of conflict resolution. Most of the scholarly work conducted on the OAU, is concerned with depicting a terminal organization, with little or no hope of surviving. Little emphasis is placed on prescribing remedies on how to improve and restructure the organization. The findings included, inter alia, that the organization is faced with enormous challenges, as the sources of conflict are varied and complex. Africa is now the landscape of collapsed states, economic stagnation, environmental degradation, disease and chronic conflicts. The OAU shoulders much ofthe responsibility for not sanctioning governments that contribute to the decay and suffering of the African peoples. Most ofthe criticism of the OAU, stem from the inability of the organization to play an effective role in resolving conflicts in Africa. Most of Africa's conflicts stem from a lack of political legitimacy, lack of democratic institutions, uneven distribution of resources, ethnic tensions and economic stagnation. Until such problems are addressed, Africa will continue to host the world's deadliest conflicts.

In the recent years, majority of African countries have been faced by conflicts during election periods. Some of the electoral related conflicts escalated into violence, and they have been transformed or managed. While other electoral related conflicts have just been prevented during the election periods but remain latent conflicts that would escalate triggered by future elections. This study focuses specifically on electoral conflicts in Kenya and its conflict management perspective from 2002-2013. To transform and manage the conflict, peacebuilding initiatives have been integrated in the study. The prime actors in Kenya electoral conflict includes the; the ruling party coalition, the leading opposition coalition and ethnic groupings affiliated to the ruling party and opposition. Other peripheral actors include: the Independent, Electoral and Boundary Commission (IEBC), the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the judiciary. Triangulation (the combination of two or more methods of collecting and analysing data) has been adopted both in data collection and analysis. Focus group interviews, selected individual interviews, and literature reviews were used to collect data, while research findings were analysed systematically using the constructivist grounded theory. Moreover, the liberal peace theory, Institutionalisation before Liberalisation (IBL) and findings from other researchers like (Elder, Stigant and Claes 2014:1-20), and the Afrobarometer research findings (Kivuva 2015) have been used to authenticate the research findings. Research findings indicates that claims of election rigging, numerous institutional failures, negative ethnicity and economic disparity, among other factors heighten the fear and anxiety that escalates during elections. Towards achieving peacebuilding and sustainable peace, the following reforms were undertaken: constitutional changes and reviews, electoral body reform, judicial reform, pursuit of transitional justice, extensive range of local initiatives reforms and police reforms. However, findings in the study also reveal that despite the latter reforms, peacebuilding measures have been short-term, temporal, and not fully successful, leaving behind a latent conflict that could be triggered again with future electoral conflicts. Besides that, negotiation, dialogue and mediation played a role in restoring trust and confidence in the democratic structures after escalated elections. We also recommend that multi-ethnic composition for electoral coalitions should also be adopted as a means to mitigate ethnic triggered conflicts.

Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The principles and characteristics of peacekeeping, as the United Nations (UN) in its search towards global peace and stability originally intended, are not adhered to in Sub-Saharan African countries. In this context, peacekeeping operations are perceived to be synonymous with biased armed intervention and the enforcement of peace through the application of force, often without the consent of the parties involved in conflict. As the political situation in many Sub-Saharan African states deteriorates, a greater need for peacekeeping and even peace enforcement operations has arisen. Mounting pressure on South Africa from regional forces, as well South Africa's own national interest to become involved in peacekeeping, calls for an evaluation of 'Sub-Saharan African peacekeeping' per se. This situation creates a dilemma as regards both the responses by regional organs and the reaction of states to the endemic and escalating conflicts in collapsing states. Can what is currently happening in Sub-Saharan African still be referred to as peacekeeping? Do we need a fresh approach to conflict resolution in Sub- Saharan Africa? Are the UN principles, set in a post-World War " global context, still applicable in a deteriorating intra-state context? In an attempt to find answers to these questions, this research focuses on the nature of peacekeeping operations from an analytical, comparative perspective with the aim of identifying commonalities and differences in the approaches and practices of countries that have participated in peacekeeping operations. Could it be that 'classical' UN peacekeeping has simply become historically outdated and that modern peacekeeping operations are dictated by the socio-political environment and thus requires a new approach? It would appear that the concept of peacekeeping needs to be re-defined from an African perspective in order to equip regional organs with a firm theoretical foundation for possible future involvement in Sub-Saharan African peacekeeping and peace enforcement endeavours. The UN's peacekeeping performance on the African continent over the past decade has raised serious doubts as to whether the UN has the capacity or will to deal effectively with inter-state and more specifically, intra-state conflict. Consequently, Sub-Saharan African peacekeeping is currently standing at a crossroad. It is also evident that a transition needs to be made from 'classical' UN peacekeeping principles to a 'modern' African approach in touch with Africa's prevailing circumstances and demands. From the research findings and case studies, a conclusion is drawn concerning how 'modern' peacekeeping practices compare to 'classical' peacekeeping, as envisaged in Chapter VI of the UN Charter. In addition, a model is proposed for dealing with the unique challenges of Sub-Saharan African intra-state conflict. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die beginsels en kenmerke van vredebewaring, soos die Verenigde Nasies (VN) in sy soeke na wêreldvrede en stabiliteit oorspronklik beoog het, word nie in Afrika suid van die Sahara eerbiedig nie. In die konteks, word vredebewaringsoperasies geag as sinoniem te wees met partydige gewapende inmenging en die afdwing van vrede deur die aanwending van mag, dikwels sonder die toestemming van diegene wat in die konflik betrokke is. Die verslegtende politieke situasie in vele lande in Afrika suid van die Sahara bring mee dat 'n groter behoefte bestaan vir vredebewaring en selfs operasies om vrede af te dwing. Toenemende druk op Suid-Afrika deur streeksmagte sowel as Suid-Afrika se eie nasionale belang om by vredebewaring in Afrika betrokke te raak, noodsaak juis 'n evaluasie van vredebewaring in Afrika suid van die Sahara. Hierdie situasie veroorsaak 'n dilemma in sover dit die reaksie betref van streeksorganisasies sowel as dié van mislukkende state wat toenemend by inheemse konflik betrokke raak. Kan dit wat tans in Afrika suid van die Sahara aan die gebeur is steeds beskou word as vredebewaring? Word 'n nuwe benadering tot die beslegting van inheemse konflik in Afrika suid van die Sahara vereis? Is die VN beginsels soos gestel binne 'n globale na-tweedewêreld- oorlogse konteks steeds van toepassing op 'n verslegtende intra-staat konflik konteks? In 'n poging om antwoorde te vind op dié vrae, fokus die navorsing op die aard van vredebewaringsoperasies vanuit 'n analitiese, vergelykende perspektief. Hierdie fokus het ten doel om ooreenkomste en verskille in die benaderings tot en toepassings van vrede in lande wat aan vredebewaringsoperasies deelgeneem het, te identifiseer. Is dit dalk moontlik dat 'klassieke' vredebewaring histories verouderd is en dat 'moderne' vredebewaringsoperasies deur die sosio-politiese omgewing dikteer word en as sulks, 'n nuwe benadering vereis? Dit wil voorkom asof die konsep van vredebewaring vanuit 'n Afrika perspektief her-definieer behoort te word sodat streeksorganisasies toegerus kan word met stewige teoretiese grondbeginsels waarop toekomstige vredebewaringsoperasies in Afrika suid van die Sahara gebaseer kan word. Die VN se vertoning in die bewaring van vrede en meer spesifiek, dié se vertoning die afgelope dekade, laat ernstige twyfel ontstaan oor dié organisasie se vermoë of wil om effektief met konflik binne en tussen state te handel. As gevolg hiervan, bevind Afrika suid van die Sahara haar by 'n kruispad wat die bewaring van vrede aanbetref. Dit is ook duidelik dat daar 'n verskuiwing behoort plaas te vind vanaf 'klassieke' vredebewaringsbeginsels na 'n meer 'moderne' Afrika benadering wat in pas is met Afrika se eiesoortige omstandighede en eise. Vanuit die navorsingsbevindinge en gevallestudies word daar in die gevolgtrekkings gekyk in hoe 'n mate 'moderne' vredebewaring in die praktyk met 'klassieke' vredebewaring, soos beoog in Hoofstuk VI van die VN Handves, vergelyk. Aansluitend hierby, word 'n model voorgestel vir die hantering van die intra-staat vraagstukke wat voortspruit uit konflik binne state in Afrika suid van die Sahara.

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of Witwatersrand in Fulfilment for the Award of the Degree of Master of Arts in Translation and Interpreting Studies, March 2017 / Using the Translation Unit of the Pan African Parliament (PAP-TU) as a case study, this research set out to find a comprehensive method for assuring the quality of the translation services of non-commercial organisations. This aim is fulfilled through achieving two objectives: firstly, assessing the current situation of the PAP-TU; secondly, building a model for quality management and best practice to assure the quality of the services of the PAP-TU. In addition to solving the problem at hand, this research is motivated by exploring new areas of translation studies, engaging in the ongoing debate around the topic and contributing to the body of knowledge in this lessexplored area. To achieve the objectives of the research, a qualitative empirical study was designed to examine the correlation between ‘adopting a quality management model’ and ‘assuring translation quality’. An action research method was used to inform the outcome of the study and to provide a framework for its design. For achieving the first objective, a case study research method was used to assess the current situation of the PAP-TU. The data was collected through interviews, fieldwork observation and archival research techniques; a grounded theory technique was used for analysing the data. A modelling research method was used for achieving the second objective: creating a quality model for the PAP-TU. The study finds that the current approaches to translation quality are unable to assure the quality of the translation services of non-commercial organisations and that there is a need for a more holistic model. The main outcome of the study is the creation of a quality model for the PAPTU. The study has reached many conclusions; the most important of which are: firstly, there is a shift in the translation field from considering translation as a craft or art to professionalization and industrialisation; secondly, the study confirms the gap between translation theory and practice. The study recommends conducting more research in the field of translation quality management as a growing branch of translation studies and in freelancing as an important type of employment for translators. The study also recommends designing translators’ training programmes after studying the market to address the latest needs and trends in the market. / XL2018

The aim of the study was to investigate the role of democratisation in peace building and conflict resolution. The findings of the study have revealed that democratisation plays a pivotal role in conflict resolution and peace building. It provides legitimacy for governments and encourages people's participation in decision-making on issues that affect their lives; democratic processes contribute to the effectiveness of the state policies and developmental strategies. The study has also showed that democratic institutions and practices foster the governmental accountability and transparency necessary to deter national and transnational crime and corruption and encourage increased responsiveness to popular concerns. In development, they increase the likelihood that the state goals reflect broad societal concerns and that the government is sensitive to the societal environmental costs of its development policies. By involving people in decision-making, democracy ensures mutual respect and satisfaction between the state and its citizens, and this in turn promotes peace and stability in a country. / M.A. (Peace studies and International Studies) North-West University, Mafikeng Campus, 2005

The prevalence of intra-state conflicts and state failures in Africa since the end of the Cold War has made Africa the epicentre of threats to human, national and international security. The inability of African states to combat the insecurities in their respective countries reinforces the discourse on the role of the African Union (AU) in enhancing peace and security across the continent. Since its establishment in 2002, the AU has responded to some security challenges in Africa. In situations of armed conflicts, especially where diplomatic and mediatory efforts fail, the AU has adopted military interventionist mechanisms to protect civilians and to restore peace and security in accord with Article 4(h) of the AU Constitutive Act. Drawing from the cases of Somalia, Sudan and Libya, this research evaluates the capacity of the AU to operationalize the idea of ‘African Solutions to African Problems’ and enforce peace and security especially through its military interventionist mechanisms. Limitations in terms of resources, expertise and funds as well as the poor commitment of member states constitute setbacks to the AU’s effort at conflict management. For the AU to perform effectively in conflict situations, it is imperative for the regional body to develop the required supranational capacity to compel obedience from member states as well as warring parties. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2014.