On 27 December, 2007, Kenyan citizens took to the polls for the fourth time since multiparty democracy was introduced in 1992. The sentiment was that democracy was finally coming of age in this East African country. For many, these elections represented a turn in the country’s democratic process that would bring change in the areas of justice, food, shelter, education and employment to all – as these were the main campaign promises. Instead, at the conclusion of the voting and at the beginning of the tallying process, the electorate erupted violently at the suspicion and eventual reporting of the process being rigged. One of the main subjects discussed in this study includes the argument that Kenya is ailing from a lack of responsible political leadership. The breed of Kenyan politicians that have been experienced in the country since it gained its independence from British colonialists in 1963, have plundered its resources – material and human – to the brink of war. It is no longer a valid argument that Africa, just because of a history of governments looting and plundering the vast resources that belong to the world’s poorest of the poor, in particular Kenya produces bad leaders. The second topic of discussion in this study questions the role of ethnic mobilisation during the elections. It is well documented by authors such as Cowen and Kanyinga (in Cowen and Laakso (eds.) 2002: 128-171) that ethnicity in Kenya, under the machinations of irresponsible political leaders, has in the past played a critical part in rallying one political party against another. The 2007 General Election was no different. The contested presidential election results were announced on 30 December, 2007, declaring another term of office for the incumbent president, Mwai Kibaki. Since that announcement, thousands of people were reported dead while hundreds of thousands were considered displaced. The chaos was followed by a long mediation process kicked off with the AU chairman, John Kufuor, president of Ghana, hosting a number of talks between the two parties. However, this did not bear much fruit as the two conflicting parties could not agree on the main issue of the creation of a position of Prime Minister for Raila Odinga to 7 fill. This was then followed by a more successful mediation process hosted by the Elders1 including former United Nations (UN) secretary general, Kofi Annan, Graça Maçhel and Benjamin Mkapa, as indicated by The Daily Nation newspapers throughout the month of January 2008. It is with this background that the study will now turn to the discussion about the context of the research, its objectives, rationale, motivation and the research design

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Kenya's Vision 2030 is a long-term development strategy for the country. The ultimate goal and mandate for all pillars of governance to adhere too. The bible for every man, woman and child, who call this nation its home. The aim of is to create "A globally competitive and prosperous country with a high quality of life by the year 2030, transforming Kenya into a newly-industrializing middle-income country, providing a high quality of life to all its citizens in all its citizens in a clean and secure environment" (Kenya Vision 2030) Implementation of the vision will be through medium-term plans of five year cycles. The vehicle the Government has chosen is Results Based Management. Results-Based Management (RBM) was introduced in Kenya in 2003 by the NARC Government. Several initiatives have been undertaken to institutionalize RBM in all MDAs. Due to this, there is a tremendous paradigm shift from processes to results. However, the systems in place have not only no clear guidelines of engaging stakeholders but also M&E systems in place measure only the outcomes and not how these outcomes were achieved. Thus making reporting ‘Results for Kenyans’ a tedious exercise. This study examined the impact of stakeholder engagement and the effectiveness of monitoring and evaluating in the achievement of Vision 2030. The study was conducted at the Public Service Transformation Department (PSTD). Stratified sampling was used to draw a sample of 30 government officers, and four key informants based on their departments and accountabilities. Both quantitative and qualitative data was collected using structured questionnaires, interview guides and direct observation. Quantitative data was then analyzed using SPSS and presented by way of frequency distribution tables, percentages, graphs, and models. Qualitative data was collated and presented in narrative form. The study found out there is similarities in both M&E and Stakeholder Engagement in there are systems in place. Both have established systems at the National level, (NIMES) for M&E and Public Private Partnerships there was none at the institutional level. Many of indicators for M&E are set at the top and imposed on the operational staff. Key informant interviews revealed that the existing system was not sustainable and would be an ideal point for entry of distortion and strategy dysfunction. Stakeholder Engagement has no policy or legislative framework to work from thus making the exercise look like a publicity stunt whenever Government seeks a consultative process especially when it comes to the ordinary "Mwananchi" (Swahili word for citizens/people). The study has established an urgent need to develop an institutional M&E system for tracking, measuring, evaluating and reporting the progress of results for Kenyans, a framework and policy to be created to encompass all manner of stakeholder engagement not only engagement with the private sector. This would make it easier on both the Institution that houses reform (PSTD) and the Central Government not only to gage how far or how near the country is attaining its ultimate goal of Vision 2030 but also reporting back and engagement with its stakeholders will be much easier, less tedious it would became "business as usual" thus creating accountability and transparency resulting in winning the war on Corruption.

This study examines the interface between Kenyan politics and ethnicity. More specifically it examines why ethnicity is at the core of Kenyan politics. Although this study discusses how colonialism influenced the ethnicisation of African politics, it focuses more on the era of post-colonial politics. The objective of the study is to investigate how post-colonial Kenyan leaders have shaped the content of Kenyan politics. This study explores ethnic conflicts in Kenya, more especially the 2008 conflict. In order to provide a clear framework for the analysis of Kenyan society, Zambian politics and its social dynamics were also examined in this study. In terms of political development and other variables, one could describe Zambia as Kenya’s peer. It is, therefore, an ideal country against which to evaluate Kenya. In terms research methodology, this study has taken a descriptive and an explanatory approach. Thematic and content analysis has also been employed as data analysis methods. This study has established that the manner in which Kenyan politics are organised is centred on ethnicity. The study found that Kenya’s unique political and social components have predisposed Kenya to ethnic conflicts. For example, a political future within Kenyan political parties and in public office is heavily influenced by one’s ethnicity. Ethnicity also plays a role in the nature of political coalitions. As a solution to the Kenyan problem, this author has recommended that Kenya’s politics (and political campaigns) be based on issues related to the development of Kenyan society, rather than ethnicity. Those in public office should also elevate national identity above ethnic identity.

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Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of International Relations in the Faculty of Humanities, Department of International Relations / The electoral process in African conflict ridden societies has largely been synonymous with violence since the inauguration of democratic experiments in the cold war aftermath. The transition to democracy including the role of elections in the process of building democracy has been confronted with challenges and the fate of these nations remained vulnerable. As a remedy to these challenges, external and internal forces have continually encouraged the leaders of the newly multiparty states to test their political legitimacy through inviting the Internatitonal election monitors. As a consequence, international election observation has become widely accepted around the world and is assumed to play an important role in the electoral processes. The presence of these agencies is believed to instil confidence in the domestic people and deter electoral fraud. The Kenyan case shall assess the election trends in 2007-2013 and the performance of election monitors within the international efforts to promote democracy in Africa. The issues they put across, their reports, criticisms and what they prescribed, will be useful in assessing their performance and measuring their impact on democratic governance in Kenya. / XL2018

Abstract not available.

In Africa, the new electoral freedoms of the 1990s often ushered in not less but more violence and corruption. Somewhat paradoxically, democratization appeared to lead to greater despotism. Current theories of democratic transitions fail to adequately explain this negative "fall out". On the one hand, by focusing on formal institutional change, most transitions theory marginalizes the "informal" politics of patronage and violence. On the other hand, theorists of "informal" politics tend to assume that formal institutional change does not impinge on patrimonial dynamics. This thesis explains how the advent of electoral freedom challenges patrimonialism and, in the process, deepens local despotism. By a careful look at the Kenyan case, this thesis argues that the re-introduction of multiple political parties posed a genuine challenge to highest level patronage networks. This challenge consisted of "patronage inflation": competitive elections escalated demands for and promises of patronage just as international conditionalities and economic difficulties led to a decline in traditional supplies of patronage. Further, with multiple political parties, voters gained bargaining power to demand both resources and accountability. A critique of patrimonialism emerged into the public realm, particularly from those who had lost out in the spoils system, the growing numbers of poor and landless. These challenges were met by counter-strategies on the part of those most set to lose by a turnover in elections. With the introduction of alternative political parties, President Moi and key patronage bosses instigated localized but electorally beneficial violence in the form of "ethnic clashes". In their struggle to maintain patrimonial dominance, they also increasingly turned to less internationally scrutinized public lands as a patronage resource, leading to increasing and increasingly violent "land grabbing". This triggered counter mobilizations which aimed at reasserting local co

In the recent years, majority of African countries have been faced by conflicts during election periods. Some of the electoral related conflicts escalated into violence, and they have been transformed or managed. While other electoral related conflicts have just been prevented during the election periods but remain latent conflicts that would escalate triggered by future elections. This study focuses specifically on electoral conflicts in Kenya and its conflict management perspective from 2002-2013. To transform and manage the conflict, peacebuilding initiatives have been integrated in the study. The prime actors in Kenya electoral conflict includes the; the ruling party coalition, the leading opposition coalition and ethnic groupings affiliated to the ruling party and opposition. Other peripheral actors include: the Independent, Electoral and Boundary Commission (IEBC), the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the judiciary. Triangulation (the combination of two or more methods of collecting and analysing data) has been adopted both in data collection and analysis. Focus group interviews, selected individual interviews, and literature reviews were used to collect data, while research findings were analysed systematically using the constructivist grounded theory. Moreover, the liberal peace theory, Institutionalisation before Liberalisation (IBL) and findings from other researchers like (Elder, Stigant and Claes 2014:1-20), and the Afrobarometer research findings (Kivuva 2015) have been used to authenticate the research findings. Research findings indicates that claims of election rigging, numerous institutional failures, negative ethnicity and economic disparity, among other factors heighten the fear and anxiety that escalates during elections. Towards achieving peacebuilding and sustainable peace, the following reforms were undertaken: constitutional changes and reviews, electoral body reform, judicial reform, pursuit of transitional justice, extensive range of local initiatives reforms and police reforms. However, findings in the study also reveal that despite the latter reforms, peacebuilding measures have been short-term, temporal, and not fully successful, leaving behind a latent conflict that could be triggered again with future electoral conflicts. Besides that, negotiation, dialogue and mediation played a role in restoring trust and confidence in the democratic structures after escalated elections. We also recommend that multi-ethnic composition for electoral coalitions should also be adopted as a means to mitigate ethnic triggered conflicts.

Democratisation and commitments to transitions to democratic systems has gained momentum as a currency, a necessity, with regard to socio-political and economic development for Africa. In the period following the end of the Cold War in the late 1980’s, there was heightened concern over the pseudo-democratic political establishments in Africa whose negative impact on their economies was blameable for a marked lack of public goods. Political scholars and agencies of Industrialised countries attributed this to stagnation on democratisation process, where consolidation stage of African democracies remains elusive. Kenya is a case and point. This study seeks to contribute to the ensuing debate of crafting versus preconditions to democratic consolidation in Africa. It takes the position that it is the political elite who are the principal agents in designing institution based democracies upon which other socio-economic developments can stand. By focusing on Kenya the study seeks to show that, up to the present moment, the cycle of Kenya’s unconsolidated democracy has been prevailed over by elites’ weakness to commit to deepening democratic values. A sign of hope is therefore in the potential and promise in the emerging young elite in crafting a consolidated democracy in Africa. By focussing on a generational change in leadership, one sees the possibility for Africa to embark on a clearly mapped out and self designed path towards democratic consolidation, led by a younger generation of professional elites. These are not weighed down by postcolonial nationalistic ideals. Their potential and level of commitment to democratic consolidation however needs to be examined. Increased pressures of Westernisation as an after effect of globalisation may have altered/impacted the young elites’ political consciousness and dedication to the African locales. This study thus posits that in order to gauge their inclination to crafting a consolidated democratic landscape of the continent, their political culture must be put under scrutiny. By examining the political culture of the Kenyan young elite this study concluded that more needs to be done to inspire political participation and involvement in this generation. There is general feeling of contentment with the status quo with all its flaws and unchanging poor democratic practises. More has to be done to sever the old undemocratic mentalities and replace them with fresh ideals through wide spread civic education, by using effective instruments like the media and avenues like a reformed school curriculum.