麥勁生. / 手稿本, 複本據手稿本影印. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學, 1988. / Shou gao ben, fu ben ju shou gao ben ying yin. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 265-276). / Mai Jingsheng. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1988. / Chapter 第一章 --- 導言 --- p.1-12 / Chapter 第二章 --- 階級，社會地位及地位團體 / Chapter (1) --- 引言 / Chapter (2) --- 韋伯論「階級」的特性及其存在基礎 / Chapter (3) --- 韋伯論「地位團體」的特性及其存在基礎 / Chapter (4) --- 「階級」與「地位團體」的比較 / Chapter (5) --- 小結 / Chapter (6) --- 註釋 --- p.13-54 / Chapter 第三章 --- 韋伯的宗教學說 / Chapter (1) --- 引言 / Chapter (2) --- 幾個觀念的詮釋：社會行動（Social Action) 理性與理性化（Rationality and Rationalization)及選擇的親近性(Elective Affinity) / Chapter (3) --- 宗教的形成與發展´ؤ´ؤ一個「理性化」的過程 / Chapter (4) --- 社會因素與宗教發展的關係 / Chapter (5) --- 宗教對社會、經濟、政治及藝術的影響 / Chapter (6) --- 小結 / Chapter (7) --- 註釋 --- p.55-116 / Chapter 第四章 --- 地位團體與宗教的關係 / Chapter (1) --- 宗教義理與「實用倫理 」(Practical Ethic) / Chapter (2) --- 「地位團體」與「實用倫理」的關係 / Chapter (3) --- 試論韋伯宗教學說的得失 / Chapter (4) --- 小結 / Chapter (5) --- 註釋 --- p.117-152 / Chapter 第五章 --- 韋伯論儒家與中國士大夫 / Chapter (1) --- 引言 / Chapter (2) --- 韋伯論中國的家產制，封建制和士的興起 / Chapter (3) --- 士大夫集團的形成和正統儒家學說的產生 / Chapter (4) --- 儒家學說的特性及影响 / Chapter (5) --- 小結 / Chapter (6) --- 註釋 --- p.153-196 / Chapter 第六章 --- 韋伯的中國觀及其影响 / Chapter (1) --- 契題 / Chapter (2) --- 史賓高論韋伯的中國政治、社會研究 / Chapter (3) --- 墨子刻與新儒家學說 / Chapter (4) --- 咸美頓論中國的家產制 / Chapter (5) --- 陳其南對中國士大夫職業倫理及家族的討論 / Chapter (6) --- 余英時論中國近世宗教倫理與商人精神 / Chapter (7) --- 結論 / Chapter (8) --- 註釋 --- p.197-251 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結論 --- p.252-264 / 書目 --- p.265-276

本文以明初官定程朱理學讀本《四書五經性理大全》的成書和思想反應為中心，旨在探討朱子學在14、15世紀流衍、官學化乃至自我更新的過程。作為士人參加科舉考試的必讀之書，《四書五經性理大全》原則上締造著明代士人的思維結構乃至行事方式，成為他們為學從政的依據和根基。全文主要分為三個部份：第一部份重點討論此書萌生於14世紀的主要學術背景，指出它是在元代浙江、江西、徽州三地朱子學並競發展的多元化局面中醞釀而生的。第二部份首先檢討了明初洪武、永樂兩朝帝王一脈相承卻又有不同的理學取態。同樣尊信理學可以幫助治國，太祖樂於以務實態度來修正和完善朱子學並顯現出他淩駕於道統的情形，而明成祖則將程朱理學視作其政權合法性的依據進而操縱了儒家道統，《大全》正是在明初政治文化微妙而重大轉變中應運而生的。本文接著考察了《大全》的編纂、取材與影響，從中指出編纂地選在北京對成祖遷都部署的配合作用，並分析《大全》內容取材的地域特色，及此特色所受敕撰要求、書籍流通、人事安排等因素的影響；統計其刊行情況以證實《大全》地位在有明一代從未被動搖，在晚明乃至成為商業出版中有利可圖的公共文化資源的情形。本文第三部份重點以15世紀持續出現的多種《大全》反應性著作為分析對象，從中觀察《大全》被作為舉業的讀本、行道的載體、救正時弊乃至變革士人思想的必由取徑，而在地方學官、著名儒者以及土木之變後學者型官員中引發的激烈迴響和對其批評、質疑、修正的相應行動。透過這些討論，本文期望檢討14世紀朱子後學的多元化發展與並競局面、明初帝王的理學取態對於明初理學的官學化進程的實際影響，以及15世紀的菁英士大夫如何運用“統一“後的理學學說來應對現實危機與朱子學發展困境等議題。 / This dissertation studies the formation of and intellectual responses to the Sishu Wujing Xingli Daquan( Great Compendia of the Four Books, Five Classics and Human Nature and Heavenly Principle), which were compiled in the Yongle period (1403-1424), in the context of the spreading and self renewal of Zhu Xi’s philosophical school in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. As must-read books for the imperial examinations, the Compendia affected Ming scholars’ mode of thinking and their way of doing things. They also formed the basis of their classical learning and political participation. / The study begins with an analysis of the intellectual background of the Compendia in the fourteenth century. It points out that there were three types of development and competition patterns of Yüan Neo-Confucianism in Zhejiang, Jiangxi and Huizhou. / The research then reviews the important changes of attitude from the Hongwu emperor to the Yongle emperor towards Neo-Confucianism. Although both emperors believed that Neo-Confucianism could help them better govern the country, the Hongwu emperor was keen to see revisions of Zhu Xi’s classical exegesis. To meet his realistic needs he even ignored the Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. The Yongle emperor, however, used Neo-Confucianism as the basis of his political legitimacy and thus manipulated the Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. / This study also discusses the process of compilation, selection of material and Ming editions of the Compendia. It finds that the whole set was compiled in Beijing to parallel the policy of moving the capital from Nanjing to Beijing. It points out that the Compendia are mainly based on the works written by Yüan scholars from Huizhou prefecture, and for a number of reasons: requirement of the Yongle emperor, good circulation of books or classical commentary in late Yüan and early Ming Huizhou area, and arrangement of the editorial personnel. Finally, I analyze the editions of the Compendia published throughout the Ming dynasty to show the reception of them and to confirm its popularity in commercial publishing in the late Ming period. / By focusing on the views of scholars in the fifteenth Century who wrote their books in response to the Compendia, I show how school teachers, Confucian thinkers, and scholar-officials after the Tu-mu incident of 1449 saw the Compendia as teaching materials, vehicle for driving daoxue learning, a way to solve the problems of their times, but also subjected them to criticism, questioning and revision. / This then reveals the influence of the state-sanctioned Cheng-Zhu of Neo-Confucianism and its decline in the course of 14th and 15th centuries. The challenges the school faced in the 15th century formed the background of the marked shift to another approach of Confucian learning in the next century best represented by Wang Yangming. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 朱冶. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 275-293). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhu Ye. / 目錄 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.5 / Chapter 一、 --- 元代朱子學研究的回顧與展望 --- p.6 / Chapter 二、 --- 明初政治文化與《大全》研究 --- p.11 / Chapter 三、 --- 十五世紀思想史的研究路向 --- p.16 / Chapter 四、 --- 論文結構 --- p.19 / Chapter 第二章 --- 多元並競：元代南方三地朱子學的推廣與認受 --- p.21 / Chapter 第一節 --- 學術譜系的建構與強化以金華吳師道為例 --- p.22 / Chapter 一、 --- 鄉里傳統：“金華四先生“的成立 --- p.22 / Chapter 二、 --- 師友淵源：吳師道與“金華四先生“之一許謙的交往 --- p.25 / Chapter 三、 --- 求助於官：吳師道推廣金華學術的努力 --- p.31 / Chapter 四、 --- “獨得其宗：吳師道對金華學統的強烈自認 --- p.36 / Chapter 第二節 --- 學問自得與道統傳遞以江西虞集為中心 --- p.41 / Chapter 一、 --- 期為“豪傑“：虞集之師吳澄的學術面向與道學承創 --- p.42 / Chapter 二、 --- 文名之外：虞集的理學身份與學問趨向 --- p.51 / Chapter 三、 --- 誰是正學？：虞集拒絶撰寫許謙墓銘的由來及其相關問題 --- p.57 / Chapter 第三節 --- 一宗朱子與著述傳道以新安汪克寬等人為例 --- p.66 / Chapter 一、 --- 羽翼與纂釋：新安朱子學的特色及其影響 --- p.66 / Chapter 二、 --- 挫折與執著：汪克寬的為學、著述及與虞集的學術分野 --- p.80 / Chapter 三、 --- 反思與開新：朱升各經《旁注》的撰作及用意 --- p.87 / 小結 --- p.96 / Chapter 第三章 --- 君師治教：明初洪武、永樂兩朝對待宋元理學的取態 --- p.98 / Chapter 第一節 --- 學以輔政：太祖敕修《書傳會選》的用意及影響 --- p.99 / Chapter 一、 --- 太祖修訂蔡《傳》的背景及用意 --- p.100 / Chapter 二、 --- 《書傳會選》的編纂及內容特色 --- p.107 / Chapter 三、 --- 《書傳會選》的有限影響：以永樂二年的廷試對策為中心 --- p.111 / Chapter 第二節 --- 道治天下：成祖治國理念的演進以《聖學心法》為中心 --- p.114 / Chapter 一、 --- 學在皇家：成祖與帝王教育 --- p.115 / Chapter 二、 --- 治平有道：成祖與《聖學心法》 --- p.116 / Chapter 三、 --- 道在六經：成祖與三部《大全》 --- p.135 / 小結 --- p.145 / Chapter 第四章 --- 垂世立教：《大全》的編纂、取材及其流傳 --- p.147 / Chapter 第一節 --- 纂修地點與編修人員、分工特色 --- p.147 / Chapter 一、 --- 北京：纂修地的安排及用意 --- p.147 / Chapter 二、 --- 人員任用與分工 --- p.151 / Chapter 第二節 --- 《四書五經大全》的內容取材及成因 --- p.161 / Chapter 一、 --- 《大全》的體例、性質與取材的關係 --- p.163 / Chapter 二、 --- 《大全》所選書籍在明初的影響 --- p.165 / Chapter 三、 --- 人事因素與《大全》取材 --- p.172 / Chapter 第三節 --- 《大全》在明代的刊行與流傳 --- p.174 / Chapter 一、 --- 刊行歷史概說 --- p.175 / Chapter 二、 --- 校訂本 --- p.176 / Chapter 三、 --- 增補本、合刊本 --- p.177 / 小結 --- p.178 / Chapter 第五章 --- 十五世紀士人對《大全》的反應及其意義 --- p.181 / Chapter 第一節 --- 地方學官：最初的反應 --- p.181 / Chapter 一、 --- 摘取切要：彭勗及其《書傳大全通釋》 --- p.182 / Chapter 二、 --- “不可泥也：陳璲等人之意見 --- p.185 / Chapter 第二節 --- 儒者的取態：薛瑄及其《讀書錄》 --- p.187 / Chapter 一、 --- 《性理大全》：《讀書錄》的主要閱讀對象 --- p.187 / Chapter 二、 --- 《讀書錄》對《四書五經大全》的具體意見 --- p.190 / Chapter 第三節 --- “一道德與“經世：十五世紀中後期學者型官員對《大全》的修正 --- p.195 / Chapter 一、 --- 理事之道：楊守陳及其《私抄》 --- p.197 / Chapter 二、 --- 經世面向：周洪謨及其《疑辨錄》 --- p.206 / Chapter 三、 --- 以心考之：王恕及其《石渠意見》 --- p.226 / Chapter 四、 --- 輔翼之書：蔡清及其《蒙引》諸書 --- p.235 / 小結 --- p.259 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結論 --- p.261 / Chapter 附錄一： --- 《四書五經性理大全》的明代版本 --- p.266 / 參考文獻 --- p.275

Despite important advances in family business research over the past decade, the effects of family ownership and control on firm performance and strategy remain equivocal. First, is family involvement beneficial or costly to the firm? Leading management and family business research theories proffer compelling arguments, but none have been able to present unassailable theoretical support for any one particular side. Second, how do family firms make capital structure decisions? Although there are widely-accepted theories of capital structure policy in the corporate finance literature, they have limited power in explaining financial decision making in family firms. Furthermore, empirical studies on both the performance and capital structure policy of family firms have generated mixed results. This divergence in theory and empirical evidence suggests that earlier studies have not been able to consider other critical factors that drive value creation and strategy formulation in family businesses. This dissertation addresses these gaps in the literature with two studies that are derived from the question of how the performance and behavior of “Overseas Chinese” family firms are influenced by Confucian values and practices. In the first study, I developed a theoretical framework based on social capital theory which posits that long-term orientation (LTO) acts as a mediator in the relationship between family ownership and control (FOC) and firm performance. In addition, I hypothesized that Confucian characteristics, such as filial piety (FIL), traditionalism (TRA), and guanxi (GUA), act as moderators in the model. In the second study, I built a framework using the theory of planned behavior, which explains how FOC and Confucian values jointly affect the firm’s capital structure decisions by influencing the decision maker’s beliefs and attitude toward debt, by fostering societal pressures regarding the use of debt, and by creating perceived behavioral controls in terms of risk exposure, family control, and the cost of debt. According to this framework, Confucian values moderate the relationship between FOC and financial leverage by reinforcing the family firm’s intention not to borrow. Using data from a sample of small- and medium-sized firms in the Philippines and the partial least squares structural equation modeling methodology (PLS-SEM), analysis reveals that LTO partly explains the positive influence of FOC on firm performance, and that TRA enhances the positive relationship between FOC and LTO. In the second study, the results suggest that firms which have a high degree of FOC borrow less. In addition, at high degrees of FIL, firms with a lower FOC have a lower financial leverage while firms with a higher level of FOC have a higher financial leverage. This dissertation contributes significantly to the family business management and family firm finance literature and the management literature in general. First, the social capital framework developed in the first study identifies specific circumstances in which family ownership and control can enhance firm value. Specifically, family firms are able to achieve better performance by promoting LTO in the organization, and cultural traits such as traditionalism enable the family business to achieve a higher degree of LTO. Second, the analytical framework based on the theory of planned behavior that was developed in the second study provides an alternative explanation for capital structure policy for small- and medium-sized private firms. The results of the study demonstrate that a high degree of family ownership and control results in use of less debt, and that Confucian values such as filial piety can moderate the firm’s bias against borrowing contingent on the degree of family ownership and control.

李天鈞. / "2004年8月". / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2004. / 參考文獻 (leaves 83-89). / 附中英文摘要. / "2004 nian 8 yue". / Li Tianjun. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2004. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 83-89). / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / 緒論 --- p.01 / Chapter 第一章 --- 潘寧博的神學人觀的建構背景與發展 --- p.05 / Chapter 1. --- 潘寧博對神學工作的理解 --- p.06 / Chapter 2. --- 潘寧博神學工作的目標並其實踐中所面對的處境及回應 --- p.13 / Chapter 3. --- 潘寧博的神學走向人類學的原因 --- p.21 / Chapter 4. --- 潘寧博神學人觀的建構過程 --- p.29 / Chapter 第二章 --- 潘寧博的神學人觀的内容 --- p.36 / Chapter 1. --- 潘寧博在《系統神學》卷二對神學人觀的理解 --- p.38 / Chapter 2. --- 人類的命運與上帝的形象 --- p.42 / Chapter 3. --- 人類的罪惡與普遍性的罪惡 --- p.48 / Chapter 4. --- 聖靈在人類中的工作 --- p.54 / Chapter 5. --- 耶穌基督與人類的關係 --- p.59 / Chapter 6. --- 對潘寧博的神學人觀的評論 --- p.63 / Chapter 第三章 --- 潘寧博的神學人觀對儒耶對話的意義 --- p.68 / Chapter 1. --- 對話的模式的選擇 --- p.68 / Chapter 2. --- 潘寧博神學人觀在儒耶對話中人觀討論方面的意義 --- p.71 / 總結 --- p.81 / 參考書目 --- p.83-89

Consensus scholarship notes that the ethics described in the Confucian textual corpus focuses its attention primarily on concrete relationships, specific roles, and reciprocal duties. This has occasioned concern about whether Confucian ethics can offer adequate moral guidelines for interactions between people who have enjoyed no prior contact. In response, this dissertation suggests that early Confucianism does guide interactions with strangers, but that this guidance is to be found less in its ethical concepts or moral precepts than in its embodied ritual practices. To substantiate this claim, I carefully apply theories drawn from the fields of cognitive science, cognitive philosophy, American pragmatism, and ritual theory to several early Confucian texts: the Analects, Mencius, Xunzi, and the ritual manuals of the Liji and the Yili. From pragmatism and cognitive philosophy, I assemble lenses of conceptual and pre-conceptual meaning and use them to examine the effects of ritual practice on the creation of group boundaries and the generation of solidarity. In so doing, I reveal that the solidarity generated by embodied practice and physical co-presence shapes the boundaries and structure of early Confucian groups as much as concepts or shared values. I further outline the neural and psychological processes by which the physicality of Confucian ritual practice creates pre-conceptual solidarity, then highlight the ways that solidarity is framed and given a meaningful direction by the varied Confucian exemplars. Ultimately, I demonstrate that mutual engagement in ritual practice allows strangers to bond quickly, without the benefit of prior relationship or shared proposition. This, I argue, is the heart of the Confucian treatment of strangers. Ritual practice simultaneously creates a relationship between new contacts and energizes that relationship with strong, pre-conceptually-generated solidarity. This dissertation also analyzes a number of related topics, including the relationship between ritual practice and group boundaries and the influence of the body upon concepts and categorization. In its broadest goals, this study offers insight into the rich character of early Confucian physicality, suggests novel guidelines for the analysis of contemporary Confucianism, and reflects possible ways in which solidarity might be formed between members of groups with different value orientations.

After a long period of isolation, China embarked on an open door policy in 1978. Keen to modernize her economy and improve her living standards, China sought to intensify her economic relations with Japan, one of her closest neighbours and one of the most advanced and dynamic economies in the world. An air of optimism marked the signing of the Japan-China Long Term Trade Protocol in 1978. China was confident that this agreement would launch her into the path of modernization in a relatively short period of time. This process of intensification of economic links with Japan, however, was not without difficulties. Over the years between 1979 and 1985, the Chinese failed to fulfil key obligations of the agreement including the non-payment for service received and the permiting of, severe shortfalls in the supply of agreed goods. The execution of the agreement was beset with problems. The agreement from which both sides had hoped to reap substantial economic benefits did not bear fruit; instead friction developed, which had ensued with disastrous consequences for both sides. What was the root cause of this friction? Was it the consequence of the incompatibility of the economic systems, one communist and the other capitalist? Or was the failure the result of political factors? Or could it be a much deeper reason relating to inherent socio-cultural factors which affected the decision-making processes in each of the countries? This thesis seeks to examine closely the root cause of the Chinese-Japanese trade friction. The writer argues that while different ideologies and political systems contributed to the problem, the dominant reason has socio-cultural origins, which have to do with the way the Chinese and Japanese societies evolved historically. Although both societies had Confucian ethical underpinnings of their social systems, they began to develop their own distinct characteristics. This coloured their world views and had a major impact in the way each society evolved its management practices. The Chinese rejection of some key aspects of Confucianism and its acceptance of Qinstyle authoritarianism, as subsequently modified by Sino- Marxist principles, produced an organisational framework and set of practices that did not prepare China to meet the demands of economic modernisation. This had adversely effected China's abilities to manage its trade relations with the economically advanced Japan. Section One of this thesis, which includes Chapters 1 and 2, outlines the framework of Chinese-Japanese trade cooperation beginning in the late 1970's. Chapter 1. seeks to give an overview of the rationale behind China's new open-door policy and its expectations of trade co-operation with Japan. It outlines the nature of trade co-operation including the structure of China-Japan trade. Chapter 2. proceeds to discuss the ensuing difficulties and the responses of the Chinese and Japanese governments. The writer then discusses the subsequent actions taken by the two governments to revive the co-operation that had gone wrong. An analysis of the faults of both governments that led to the disastrous consequences is then made. Section Two, which includes Chapters 3 and 4, seeks to examine the fundamental causes of the friction in the trade relations between the two countries. The writer examines the role played by socio-cultural factors and how they affected the decision-making processes in both countries. In particular, Chapter 3. analyses the role of feudalism in China as modified by the emergence of the centralized bureaucracy which characterize the Qin dynasty (221 to 207 BC). The impact of the anti-merchantilism, which was the direct consequence of Qin-style bureaucracy, and the question of the destruction of the urban middle class by the bureaucracy are highlighted. The writer argues that the absence of the urban middle class is one of the fundamental reasons why China is unable to produce an economically-progressive, capitalist-oriented society. This led to a state of economic backwardness. Chapter 4. contrasts the Chinese situation with Japan, by analysing the ideological underpinning of Japanese society. It outlines the various reform movements in Japan that led to the development of a society that is economically dynamic . A modern state has emerged in Japan in contrast to the emergence of a backward society in China. The writer also discusses the influence of Japanese Confucian values in the development of this modern state. This was to have a significant impact on Japanese management philosophy and practices. The last Section, which includes Chapter 5, 6, and 7, discusses the lessons to be learnt from the trade friction betwen the two countries. In particular, Chapter 5. analyses the vastly different approaches taken by the Chinese in contrast to the Japanese. The Chinese decision-making process which is characterized by chaos, inefficiency and bureaucratic bungling is contrasted with the Japanese style. The latter's approach is systematic, well thought out and meticulously planned. The Japanese, however, failed to take into account the vastly different operating environment in their dealings with China. Chinese behavioural responses were a variable that the Japanese were unprepared to deal with. This resulted in chaos in the strategic management of the trade relations between the two countries. Notwithstanding this friction, however, both China and Japan realize that they must proceed with their trade relations and minimize whatever frictions emerged over time. The last part of the thesis, Chapter 6. outlines the possible approaches that both sides can adopt in their dealings with each other. An approach with Lindblom's "muddling through" perspective is recommended by the writer. Chapter 7 contains the conclusion drawn from this study.

Abstract This thesis discusses the music idea, music aesthetics and writing skills of the author¡¦s composition JING. The music idea and aesthetics of the JING are inspired by Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism. The common important issue that these three isms concern about and also the point inspires the author is Nature. The author uses Repetition as the music writing skills to represent the constancy of the nature. In other words, music repetition and the variation of the repetition is what the author wants to experiment in the composition JING. In order to learn how the repetition used and represents the Nature in the three isms, the author also studies and analyzes important ritual music for the rites of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism. Furthermore the author discusses how repetition works and means in western music. Concluding the discussions on the three pieces of ritual music and the western music, the author comes out her own point of view which becomes the important material and creating process in JING. JING is consisted of three movements. The first movement is JI, the second is ZHI, and the third is JIE. Although the three movements are titled differently, the points that the author wants to present are all the same and is about Constant Nature. The author experiments the skills of repetition in the piece throughout to show her intention for understanding Constancy of Nature.

There is an increasing trend in this globalized economy for Asian corporations to utilize Western management practices. However, studies have shown not all western management practices can be imported into Asian corporations without accounting for the values and beliefs of Asian employees. This study will explore the effects of Confucianism on the respondents¡¦ evaluation of their trainers/instructors. The specific purpose of this study is to examine the differences between Taiwanese and North Americans respondents in (1) Confucius influence, (2) conflict handling style, and tendency of (3) acquiescence response, when evaluating trainers/instructors. The relationships among these major variables were examined statistically. Results strongly suggest that Confucianism has a significant and positive impact on the tendency of acquiescence response. This response may skew the evaluation results in Taiwan, where the influence of Confucianism is significant as compared to North America. The data and analysis provided by this study is a useful reference for Asian corporations looking to import western management practices, and for international corporations looking to standardize their management systems across differing cultures.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 1977. / Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Scientology holds considerable interest for scholars of new religious movements. As such, this study aims to contribute new data and insight to ongoing theoretical work within this area of religious studies scholarship. Engaged in this inquiry are the similarities between Scientology, the new religious movement founded in 1951 by L. Ron Hubbard (1911-1986), and the Chinese religion, Confucianism, which originates with the teachings of Confucius (551-479 BCE). Though Hubbard admits being influenced by eastern thinking such as Buddhism and Daoism in shaping his worldview, he specifically discounts Confucius as relevant in this regard. However, through comparisons between Scientology and Confucianism, this study demonstrates that there are significant and numerous instances of similarities between the two religions ranging from their worldviews to concomitant soteriologies. In the cosmogonies of Scientology and Neo-Confucianism, for example, the world comes about from the interplay of two cosmic phenomena: 1) an ordering, non-physical life force, termed in this study as the quasi-transcendent and 2) the physical. All life, including human beings, occurs as the quasi-transcendent realm combines with the physical, creating three homogeneous, coextensive, and teleologically interdependent parts: 1) the quasi-transcendent domain, 2) the physical universe, and 3) the human sphere. Comparing both traditions further, human beings are innately good, endowed as such by the benevolent influence of their quasi-transcendent component. Error, or evil, is rendered no ontological status and is rationalized as confusion caused by the obfuscating effect of the mind's physical constituent upon its benevolent counterpart. Self-transformation occurs as the physical component of the human mind is purified restoring profound ontological awareness and cosmic creativity. A notion absent in Confucianism, which could be assessed as a significant theological difference between these traditions, is Scientology's reincarnation theme. This aspect, however, is peripheral to the larger conceptual model that both these religions share.