published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

據稿本複印 / 論文(博士)--香港中文大學,1993. / 參考文獻: leaves 150-159 / 馮樹勳. / 序 --- p.I / Chapter 第一章： --- 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 課題範圍 --- p.1 / Chapter 二、 --- 典型選取標準 --- p.2 / Chapter 三、 --- 方法討論 --- p.4 / Chapter 第二章： --- 整全人文世界的要求一一明末 清初的儒學進向與清儒的背景性典範 --- p.6 / Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.6 / Chapter 乙、 --- 明末清初思想突變之解釋一一觀念史進路 --- p.7 / Chapter 丙、 --- 明末清初思想突變之解釋´ؤ一思想史進路 --- p.20 / Chapter 丁、 --- 整全人文世界觀（一）一´ؤ儒家爲本的進 路（闢佛） --- p.26 / Chapter 戊、 --- 整全人文世界觀（二）´ؤ一儒家爲本的進 路（經世致用） --- p.33 / Chapter 第三章： --- 整全人文世界觀的面貌與實踐 --- p.45 / Chapter 甲、 --- 《易》學爲體 --- p.45 / Chapter 乙、 --- 史學爲用 --- p.51 / Chapter 丙、 --- 整全人文世界藍圖的開展 --- p.68 / Chapter 第四章： --- 清初學界向心力之瓦解與學風 丕變 --- p.78 / Chapter 甲、 --- 引論 --- p.78 / Chapter 乙、 --- 士族與清初政治 --- p.78 / Chapter 丙、 --- 學校與科舉 --- p.79 / Chapter 丁、 --- 晚明士人在清初的出路 --- p.82 / Chapter 戊、 --- 時文與古文 --- p.85 / Chapter 己、 --- 知識技術與人文態度 --- p.87 / Chapter 庚、 --- 從技術到「超技術」？ --- p.92 / Chapter 第五章： --- 樸學典型與「儒家知識主義」 --- p.97 / Chapter 甲、 --- 儒家知識主義？ --- p.97 / Chapter 乙、 --- 清代經學與實學 --- p.99 / Chapter 丙、 --- 吳派的漢學理論 --- p.104 / Chapter 丁、 --- 吳派「論學之言」與「爲學之實」 --- p.107 / Chapter 戊、 --- 皖派的掙扎 --- p.111 / Chapter 己、 --- 皖派經學與儒家本旨 --- p.118 / Chapter 第六章： --- 從阮元看樸學典範的轉型 --- p.126 / Chapter 甲、 --- 引言 --- p.126 / Chapter 乙、 --- 個案研究一一公羊學 --- p.128 / Chapter 丙、 --- 宏觀檢討（一）一一理論層面 --- p.135 / Chapter 丁、 --- 法觀檢討（二）一一事業部分 --- p.139 / Chapter 戊、 --- 結語 --- p.143 / Chapter 第七章： --- 反省與展望 --- p.146 / 參考書目 --- p.150

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

鄭宗義. / 論文(博士) -- 香港中文大學哲學學部, 1995. / 參考文献 : leaves 178-187. / Zheng Zongyi. / 序論一一寫在哲學與思想史之間 --- p.I / Chapter 第一章： --- 形上與形下之間的緊張´ؤ´ؤ明末王學的再省察 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 引言：宋明儒家的形上與形下世界 --- p.1 / Chapter 二、 --- 内聖層面的緊張：玄虛而蕩與情識而肆 --- p.8 / Chapter 三、 --- 東林的救正與學風的變動 --- p.21 / Chapter 四、 --- 外王層面的緊張：儒學、亡天下與综當代之務 --- p.31 / Chapter 第二章： --- 心學系統内的救正 --- p.38 / Chapter 一、 --- 引言：廣義的王學者 --- p.38 / Chapter 二、 --- 劉蕺山誠意愼獨之敎及其在思想史上的意義 --- p.42 / Chapter 三、 --- 黄宗羲一心萬殊思想的發展與完成 --- p.62 / Chapter 四、 --- 附論孫夏峰與李二曲 --- p.83 / Chapter 第三章： --- 心學系統外的救正 --- p.98 / Chapter 一、 --- 引言：朱子學的再興 --- p.98 / Chapter 二、 --- 明末清初朱子學的三種型態及其消長 --- p.101 / Chapter 三、 --- 附論反宋明儒思潮 --- p.134 / Chapter 第四章： --- 明清儒學的轉型 --- p.151 / Chapter 一、 --- 引言：形上心靈的萎縮 --- p.151 / Chapter 二、 --- 經世、考證與達情遂欲哲學 --- p.153 / Chapter 三、 --- 附論「實學」的實義 --- p.160 / Chapter 第五章： --- 達情遂欲哲學衡論 --- p.162 / Chapter 一、 --- 引論 --- p.162 / Chapter 二、 --- 分論一：陳乾初 --- p.165 / Chapter 三、 --- 分論二 ：戴東原 --- p.170 / 參考資料 --- p.178

本文以明初官定程朱理學讀本《四書五經性理大全》的成書和思想反應為中心，旨在探討朱子學在14、15世紀流衍、官學化乃至自我更新的過程。作為士人參加科舉考試的必讀之書，《四書五經性理大全》原則上締造著明代士人的思維結構乃至行事方式，成為他們為學從政的依據和根基。全文主要分為三個部份：第一部份重點討論此書萌生於14世紀的主要學術背景，指出它是在元代浙江、江西、徽州三地朱子學並競發展的多元化局面中醞釀而生的。第二部份首先檢討了明初洪武、永樂兩朝帝王一脈相承卻又有不同的理學取態。同樣尊信理學可以幫助治國，太祖樂於以務實態度來修正和完善朱子學並顯現出他淩駕於道統的情形，而明成祖則將程朱理學視作其政權合法性的依據進而操縱了儒家道統，《大全》正是在明初政治文化微妙而重大轉變中應運而生的。本文接著考察了《大全》的編纂、取材與影響，從中指出編纂地選在北京對成祖遷都部署的配合作用，並分析《大全》內容取材的地域特色，及此特色所受敕撰要求、書籍流通、人事安排等因素的影響；統計其刊行情況以證實《大全》地位在有明一代從未被動搖，在晚明乃至成為商業出版中有利可圖的公共文化資源的情形。本文第三部份重點以15世紀持續出現的多種《大全》反應性著作為分析對象，從中觀察《大全》被作為舉業的讀本、行道的載體、救正時弊乃至變革士人思想的必由取徑，而在地方學官、著名儒者以及土木之變後學者型官員中引發的激烈迴響和對其批評、質疑、修正的相應行動。透過這些討論，本文期望檢討14世紀朱子後學的多元化發展與並競局面、明初帝王的理學取態對於明初理學的官學化進程的實際影響，以及15世紀的菁英士大夫如何運用“統一“後的理學學說來應對現實危機與朱子學發展困境等議題。 / This dissertation studies the formation of and intellectual responses to the Sishu Wujing Xingli Daquan( Great Compendia of the Four Books, Five Classics and Human Nature and Heavenly Principle), which were compiled in the Yongle period (1403-1424), in the context of the spreading and self renewal of Zhu Xi’s philosophical school in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. As must-read books for the imperial examinations, the Compendia affected Ming scholars’ mode of thinking and their way of doing things. They also formed the basis of their classical learning and political participation. / The study begins with an analysis of the intellectual background of the Compendia in the fourteenth century. It points out that there were three types of development and competition patterns of Yüan Neo-Confucianism in Zhejiang, Jiangxi and Huizhou. / The research then reviews the important changes of attitude from the Hongwu emperor to the Yongle emperor towards Neo-Confucianism. Although both emperors believed that Neo-Confucianism could help them better govern the country, the Hongwu emperor was keen to see revisions of Zhu Xi’s classical exegesis. To meet his realistic needs he even ignored the Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. The Yongle emperor, however, used Neo-Confucianism as the basis of his political legitimacy and thus manipulated the Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. / This study also discusses the process of compilation, selection of material and Ming editions of the Compendia. It finds that the whole set was compiled in Beijing to parallel the policy of moving the capital from Nanjing to Beijing. It points out that the Compendia are mainly based on the works written by Yüan scholars from Huizhou prefecture, and for a number of reasons: requirement of the Yongle emperor, good circulation of books or classical commentary in late Yüan and early Ming Huizhou area, and arrangement of the editorial personnel. Finally, I analyze the editions of the Compendia published throughout the Ming dynasty to show the reception of them and to confirm its popularity in commercial publishing in the late Ming period. / By focusing on the views of scholars in the fifteenth Century who wrote their books in response to the Compendia, I show how school teachers, Confucian thinkers, and scholar-officials after the Tu-mu incident of 1449 saw the Compendia as teaching materials, vehicle for driving daoxue learning, a way to solve the problems of their times, but also subjected them to criticism, questioning and revision. / This then reveals the influence of the state-sanctioned Cheng-Zhu of Neo-Confucianism and its decline in the course of 14th and 15th centuries. The challenges the school faced in the 15th century formed the background of the marked shift to another approach of Confucian learning in the next century best represented by Wang Yangming. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 朱冶. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 275-293). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhu Ye. / 目錄 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.5 / Chapter 一、 --- 元代朱子學研究的回顧與展望 --- p.6 / Chapter 二、 --- 明初政治文化與《大全》研究 --- p.11 / Chapter 三、 --- 十五世紀思想史的研究路向 --- p.16 / Chapter 四、 --- 論文結構 --- p.19 / Chapter 第二章 --- 多元並競：元代南方三地朱子學的推廣與認受 --- p.21 / Chapter 第一節 --- 學術譜系的建構與強化以金華吳師道為例 --- p.22 / Chapter 一、 --- 鄉里傳統：“金華四先生“的成立 --- p.22 / Chapter 二、 --- 師友淵源：吳師道與“金華四先生“之一許謙的交往 --- p.25 / Chapter 三、 --- 求助於官：吳師道推廣金華學術的努力 --- p.31 / Chapter 四、 --- “獨得其宗：吳師道對金華學統的強烈自認 --- p.36 / Chapter 第二節 --- 學問自得與道統傳遞以江西虞集為中心 --- p.41 / Chapter 一、 --- 期為“豪傑“：虞集之師吳澄的學術面向與道學承創 --- p.42 / Chapter 二、 --- 文名之外：虞集的理學身份與學問趨向 --- p.51 / Chapter 三、 --- 誰是正學？：虞集拒絶撰寫許謙墓銘的由來及其相關問題 --- p.57 / Chapter 第三節 --- 一宗朱子與著述傳道以新安汪克寬等人為例 --- p.66 / Chapter 一、 --- 羽翼與纂釋：新安朱子學的特色及其影響 --- p.66 / Chapter 二、 --- 挫折與執著：汪克寬的為學、著述及與虞集的學術分野 --- p.80 / Chapter 三、 --- 反思與開新：朱升各經《旁注》的撰作及用意 --- p.87 / 小結 --- p.96 / Chapter 第三章 --- 君師治教：明初洪武、永樂兩朝對待宋元理學的取態 --- p.98 / Chapter 第一節 --- 學以輔政：太祖敕修《書傳會選》的用意及影響 --- p.99 / Chapter 一、 --- 太祖修訂蔡《傳》的背景及用意 --- p.100 / Chapter 二、 --- 《書傳會選》的編纂及內容特色 --- p.107 / Chapter 三、 --- 《書傳會選》的有限影響：以永樂二年的廷試對策為中心 --- p.111 / Chapter 第二節 --- 道治天下：成祖治國理念的演進以《聖學心法》為中心 --- p.114 / Chapter 一、 --- 學在皇家：成祖與帝王教育 --- p.115 / Chapter 二、 --- 治平有道：成祖與《聖學心法》 --- p.116 / Chapter 三、 --- 道在六經：成祖與三部《大全》 --- p.135 / 小結 --- p.145 / Chapter 第四章 --- 垂世立教：《大全》的編纂、取材及其流傳 --- p.147 / Chapter 第一節 --- 纂修地點與編修人員、分工特色 --- p.147 / Chapter 一、 --- 北京：纂修地的安排及用意 --- p.147 / Chapter 二、 --- 人員任用與分工 --- p.151 / Chapter 第二節 --- 《四書五經大全》的內容取材及成因 --- p.161 / Chapter 一、 --- 《大全》的體例、性質與取材的關係 --- p.163 / Chapter 二、 --- 《大全》所選書籍在明初的影響 --- p.165 / Chapter 三、 --- 人事因素與《大全》取材 --- p.172 / Chapter 第三節 --- 《大全》在明代的刊行與流傳 --- p.174 / Chapter 一、 --- 刊行歷史概說 --- p.175 / Chapter 二、 --- 校訂本 --- p.176 / Chapter 三、 --- 增補本、合刊本 --- p.177 / 小結 --- p.178 / Chapter 第五章 --- 十五世紀士人對《大全》的反應及其意義 --- p.181 / Chapter 第一節 --- 地方學官：最初的反應 --- p.181 / Chapter 一、 --- 摘取切要：彭勗及其《書傳大全通釋》 --- p.182 / Chapter 二、 --- “不可泥也：陳璲等人之意見 --- p.185 / Chapter 第二節 --- 儒者的取態：薛瑄及其《讀書錄》 --- p.187 / Chapter 一、 --- 《性理大全》：《讀書錄》的主要閱讀對象 --- p.187 / Chapter 二、 --- 《讀書錄》對《四書五經大全》的具體意見 --- p.190 / Chapter 第三節 --- “一道德與“經世：十五世紀中後期學者型官員對《大全》的修正 --- p.195 / Chapter 一、 --- 理事之道：楊守陳及其《私抄》 --- p.197 / Chapter 二、 --- 經世面向：周洪謨及其《疑辨錄》 --- p.206 / Chapter 三、 --- 以心考之：王恕及其《石渠意見》 --- p.226 / Chapter 四、 --- 輔翼之書：蔡清及其《蒙引》諸書 --- p.235 / 小結 --- p.259 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結論 --- p.261 / Chapter 附錄一： --- 《四書五經性理大全》的明代版本 --- p.266 / 參考文獻 --- p.275

By reconstructing his lecture activities, I found and discussed the conflicts and debates Li had with other philosophical schools of his times. In so doing, I also discussed the interaction between Li's learning and the philosophical traditions of places where he taught, for example, his difference with the traditions of the Zhu Xi school in Fujian. What emerged is that Li was a strong and unyielding philosopher who was able to give theoretical coherence to his disciples but failed to spread his teachings into established schools of thought. / From the case of Li Cai, this dissertation finds that three elements were common and crucial to the founding of a new philosophical school in middle and late Ming times---a doctrine couched in some terse expressions, expressions deriving from the Great Learning as key terms of the doctrine, and organized lecture activities. The dissertation also argues that it was the fundamental notions of achieving learning by oneself (zide) and transmission of the orthodox Way (daotong) that drove the creation of original arguments and "discussion of learning" activities in the late Ming. Li Cai worked himself to distinction amid this practice of the time by formulating his own doctrine on ethics. His emphasis on "cultivation of the person" is a deliberate counteraction to the "extension of innate knowledge" of Wang Yangming, whose school by Li's time had much indulged in the liberation of the individual to the neglect of social norms. Engaging himself as a teacher, Li Cai also cast himself as a rival to Wang Yangming. He considered his endeavor as an act of transmitting the Way and his doctrine as providing true insights into the teaching of Confucianism. More precisely, he considered his zhixiu doctrine a loyal representation of the teachings of Confucius and his great disciple Zeng Shen. / Li talked about his zhi-xiu doctrine everywhere he went. He advanced this doctrine by means of establishing academies (shuyuan), publishing his own works, organizing discussions and debates, lecturing to large audiences, and engaging in philosophical exchanges through correspondence with his discussants. He engaged himself in activities like these when he was director of a bureau in the minister of War, an assistant surveillance commissioner in Guangdong, and an administrative vice commissioner in charge of military affairs in the southwestern border region of the Ming empire. He lost no enthusiasm in championing his doctrine even when he was an exile in Fujian province for more than ten years. / The study begins with an analysis of the Daxue (Great Learning) , the most important Neo-Confucian classic in late imperial times, which exists in a large number of versions since Northern Song times. I first analyze the most cited versions, identifying especially the differences between Zhu Xi's orthodox version and the so-called Old Text derived from the classic Record of Rites. The latter version gained ascendance from the late fifteenth century when Wang Yangming's school strongly advocated it. / This dissertation studies a well-known, but not yet well studied, statesman and philosopher of the sixteenth century, Li Cai, and his relationship to the building of philosophical schools in the world of Ming Confucianism. It hopes to throw lights on the study of Ming intellectual communities as well as on the general intellectual history of late imperial China. / To distinguish himself from both Zhu Xi and Wang Yangming, Li Cai provided a new version of the Great Learning by rearranging the texts of the Old Text and Zhu Xi's version as well as the text in the Shijing daxue (Stone Classics Great Learning), which is a forgery but acclaimed by many scholars of the time. Li Cai formulated his own philosophical doctrine from this new version and summed it up with the term zhixiu, which stands for the word zhi and the word xiu, respectively, which in turn are abbreviations of the phrases zhi yu zhishan (abiding by the supreme good) and xiushen (cultivation of the person), phrases that denote key notions in the Great Learning. He theorized that zhi refers to the substance and xiu refers to the practice of his doctrine. In actuality, he takes zhi to mean focusing on nourishing the mind and xiu to mean self-examination and watchfulness in the cultivation of the self. / 劉勇. / Adviser: Chu Hung-Lam. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-06, Section: A, page: 2187. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 362-389). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Liu Yong.

儒醫是宋以後經過醫學文本訓練的，男性醫者的，文化認同/角色/定位。道醫、巫醫和女性醫者等其他醫者漸成為邊緣他者。儒醫宣稱比其他醫療實踐者更加深諳醫學經典、更加理性。儒醫攀附儒自居，模仿理學門戶互相攻訐，有學派之分。元代婺州朱震亨，「丹溪學派」的創始者，是明代儒醫的典範。本文將以朱震亨和「丹溪學派」為個案，一方面探討儒醫如何建構醫學身體、疾病觀念及其實踐，另一方面探討「丹溪學派」的思想和社會史。 / 第一、二、三章分別從三個角度探討元明儒醫的身體觀。首先，在強烈的「南人」認同之下，元代江浙的士人強調「南/北」身體的差異，「北醫」的療法不適合「南人」的身體，朱震亨被塑造為「南醫」的典範。其次，自劉完素以後，「火」不是日常生活中的火熱之氣，也不是推算運氣的術語，成為元明醫家對身體疾病的想像。據此，朱震亨提出「陽有餘而陰不足」的身體觀，是明代「丹溪學派」遵守的教條。第三，鬼神病因漸漸從儒醫的身體觀中淡出。道教醫學中的「傳尸勞瘵」，混雜了鬼邪和血氣病因，宋元儒醫卻劃分血氣「虛勞」和鬼邪「勞瘵」的界線。朱震亨將「勞瘵」解釋為「陰不足」病。追隨丹溪之後，虞摶病人見鬼實際上是「心神不寧」，清醫吳瑭認為「祝由科」是巫術，儒醫無法容忍鬼邪病因和儀式療法。 / 第四、五章討論儒醫多樣化的實踐。在臨床實踐中如何治療「陰不足」病，「丹溪學派」並不一致，王綸提倡的「補陰丸」在明代江浙醫者的實踐中廣受歡迎，但來自學派內部嚴厲的批評聲同時存在。明代醫家認為唐宋方書治「勞瘵」的天靈蓋「殘忍」，但紫河車卻是明代常用的治療「勞瘵」藥物。儒醫反對儀式療法，但某些驅除鬼邪的針灸療法，改頭換面依然留存在醫學實踐中，比如「秦承祖灸鬼法」。 / 第六、七章指出，從朱震亨到「丹溪學派」，是元代婺州地方士人建設宗族組織、講習理學、建構地方認同背景之下的社會史，也是蘇州城市醫者專業化、組織化的結果。元明政權更迭之後，「丹溪」弟子進入太醫院，依靠政治權威提升「丹溪」的醫學地位。1450年代以後「丹溪」成為商業書坊的暢銷本，注重師承關係的學派逐漸消解，「丹溪」成為大眾通俗的醫學入門文本作者。清代，考據醫學「丹溪」為通俗庸醫，「丹溪」不再是醫者撰寫醫書、醫療實踐的必引權威。 / This thesis aims to explain how Confucian physicians (儒醫) constructed the medical thoughts and practice. A Confucian physician is supposed to be a well-educated gentleman (儒) and a master of the medical classics. From the 12th century on, Confucian physicians gradually became a new identity of the orthodox doctors, while the Taoists, shamans, midwives and surgical practitioners all became the “others. At the same time, among the Confucian Physicians, different schools appeared. The Danxi School (丹溪學派) was a group of disciples following Zhu Zhenheng (朱震亨1282-1358) from the 14th to 15th centuries in Jiangnan (江南) . Zhu was a gentleman from Wuzhou, who was treated as an ideal model of “Confucian physicians through the whole Ming dynasty. / The first three chapters focus on the medical thoughts of Confucian phycians. Chapter One studies on the body of the “Southerners (南人). People living in the territory of Southern Song identified themselves as the “Southerners. This identity was strengthened by the unequal racial policy under the Mongol reign. It motivated the Jiangnan literati to appeal for a medical knowledge body specifically for the “Southerners, which would focus on treating the ailments caused by the “southern environment and dietary habits. Chapter Two explores the concept of “fire. In the Song dynasty, “fire is an element of the prevalent cosmological theory of “the five circulatory phases and the six seasonal influences (五運六氣) . However, in Liu Wansu (劉完素1132-1208) ’s innovative interpretation, the concept of “fire was internalized into the body structure. Zhu Zhenheng inherited this concept of bodily “fire and developed the theory of “yang is always in excess, yin is always deficient (陽有餘而陰不足) , which was later strictly followed by the Danxi School. Chapter Three investigates the disease of “laozhai (勞瘵) . According to the Taoist interpretation, the disease of “laozhai was due to the ancestor’s sin. However, Confucian physicians developed a new meaning in the context of Danxi’s “yin is deficient body. Demons were gradually excluded from the etiology of the Danxi School. / Chapter Four and Five study on the practice of Confucian physicians. The Danxi School didn’t have consensus on how to treat the “yin is deficient disease. Therefore, the therapy of “nourishing yin (滋陰) was quite differential in individual practices. However, it is certain that Confucian physicians tended to use herbs to treat patients who declared themselves suffering from demons. Religious rituals of expelling demons were excluded from their clinical practice. However, Confucian physicians didn’t refuse to use some unusual herbal remedies such as the placenta, or moxibustion that might function as Taoist rituals of expelling demons. / Chapter Six and Seven analyze the rise and fall of the Danxi School. The reason why Zhu became a powerful medical master lies not only in his medical thoughts or skills but in his social activities. He was very active in the lineage organization and local administration. In the local society, Zhu gained the power and fame as an authoritative Confucian gentleman, though he had never received any governmental position. After the death of Zhu, his disciples achieved successful careers as professional doctors in Suzhou (蘇州) . Later when the Ming Empire was established in Nanjing, most of Danxi’s disciples went into the Imperial Medical Service (太醫院) . After the 1450s, Zhu Zhenheng became a best-selling author and a symbol of the popular medicine. The popularity of his works eventually destroyed the structure of the master-disciple relationship in the Danxi School. The Danxi School gradually disappeared. In the end, because the mid-Qing physicians preferred ancient masters such as Zhang Zhongjing (張仲景 fl. 168-196) to the modern, vulgar Danxi, the Danxi School and their medical master faded away from the mainstream medicine. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 張學謙. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 197-217). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhang Xueqian. / 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 儒醫：宋元明清醫者的身份認同 --- p.2 / Chapter 二、 --- 儒醫的理性與實踐 --- p.6 / Chapter 三、 --- 丹溪學派：醫學思想的社會史 --- p.11 / Chapter 四、 --- 研究說明 --- p.16 / Chapter 第一章 --- 元代醫學的「南/北」身體觀 --- p.18 / Chapter 一、 --- 南宋和元：「南人」認同的多層含義 --- p.18 / Chapter 二、 --- 「南/北」身體觀論述 --- p.24 / Chapter 三、 --- 製造「南醫」/「北醫」 --- p.32 / Chapter 四、 --- 結論 --- p.38 / Chapter 第二章 --- 丹溪學派的口號：「陽有餘而陰不足」的身體觀 --- p.40 / Chapter 一、 --- 五運六氣與宋人的身體觀 --- p.40 / Chapter 二、 --- 內丹對醫學身體觀的影響 --- p.46 / Chapter 三、 --- 朱震亨的相火論 --- p.50 / Chapter 四、 --- 結論 --- p.59 / Chapter 第三章 --- 宋明儒醫的「理性化」：以「勞瘵」為中心 --- p.60 / Chapter 一、 --- 《道藏》文本中「勞瘵」的界定 --- p.62 / Chapter 二、 --- 儒醫文本中「勞瘵」的界定 --- p.68 / Chapter 三、 --- 儒醫「勞瘵」與明代社會身體 --- p.73 / Chapter 四、 --- 明代儒醫對「祝由」的困惑 --- p.77 / Chapter 五、 --- 結論 --- p.85 / Chapter 第四章 --- 「陰虛」病與療法 --- p.87 / Chapter 一、 --- 丹溪「陰虛」病及療法 --- p.87 / Chapter 二、 --- 補陰丸與人參之爭 --- p.93 / Chapter 三、 --- 薛己、趙獻可：從補陰血到補陰精 --- p.99 / Chapter 四、 --- 結論 --- p.103 / Chapter 第五章 --- 儒醫的實踐 --- p.105 / Chapter 一、 --- 道醫「追蟲」儀式 --- p.105 / Chapter 二、 --- 儒醫勞瘵療法 --- p.108 / Chapter 三、 --- 天靈蓋與紫河車在明代醫學中的不同遭遇 --- p.113 / Chapter 四、 --- 從「秦承祖灸鬼法」到「灸鬼哭穴」 --- p.121 / Chapter 五、 --- 結論 --- p.125 / Chapter 第六章 --- 從朱震亨到「丹溪學派」的社會史 --- p.126 / Chapter 一、 --- 朱震亨的出身與赤岸朱氏宗族的建構 --- p.129 / Chapter 二、 --- 「儒醫」朱震亨與地方社會 --- p.136 / Chapter （一） --- 朱震亨之行醫 --- p.137 / Chapter （二） --- 朱震亨之醫療產業 --- p.140 / Chapter （三） --- 朱震亨在地方社會的角色 --- p.142 / Chapter 三、 --- 元代婺州的「丹溪」門徒 --- p.147 / Chapter （一） --- 地方醫療資源與組織 --- p.147 / Chapter （二） --- 婺州地方士族的網絡 --- p.151 / Chapter 四、 --- 元末蘇州的「丹溪」門徒 --- p.155 / Chapter 五、 --- 明代太醫院的「丹溪」門徒（1368-1450） --- p.162 / Chapter 六、 --- 結論： --- p.166 / Chapter 第七章 --- 「丹溪」的大眾化與清代醫學的轉折 --- p.167 / Chapter 一、 --- 「丹溪」文本的製造與流傳 --- p.168 / Chapter （一） --- 「丹溪」文本的製造 --- p.168 / Chapter （二） --- 「丹溪」文本的印刷與晚明私人的商業書坊 --- p.178 / Chapter 二、 --- 「丹溪」權威的下降 --- p.183 / Chapter （一） --- 明清醫者對「南/北」身體觀、療法的不同意見 --- p.184 / Chapter （二） --- 「陰不足」到「命門火衰」 --- p.186 / Chapter （三） --- 考據醫學之批評「丹溪」 --- p.188 / Chapter 三、 --- 結論 --- p.192 / 結論 --- p.193 / 參考書目 --- p.197 / Chapter 一、 --- 一手文獻 --- p.197 / Chapter (一) --- 醫書 --- p.197 / Chapter (二) --- 正史 --- p.200 / Chapter (三) --- 文集 --- p.201 / Chapter (四) --- 地方志和家譜 --- p.203 / Chapter (五) --- 筆記和其他： --- p.204 / Chapter 二、 --- 工具書： --- p.206 / Chapter 三、 --- 近人研究： --- p.207 / Chapter (一) --- 中文專書 --- p.207 / Chapter (二) --- 英文專書 --- p.209 / Chapter (三) --- 中文論文 --- p.212 / Chapter (四) --- 英文論文 --- p.214