published_or_final_version / Chinese Historical Studies / Master / Master of Arts

published_or_final_version / abstract / toc / Philosophy / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

作為古代東亞文化圈其中一部最具影響力的著作─《論語》，其在漢代的重要性一直長期被忽視。直至近年隨着學界的「翻案風」興起，對《論語》及《論語》學的研究才開始起步，但對唐以前的研究仍是寥寥無幾。此外，迄今為止這些研究仍離不開就《論語》的版本及詮釋本進行文本式研究，卻忽視了《論語》作為一部重要的儒家經典，對政治、社會等各方面的實際影響，本研究希望為此填補一點空白。本文認為《論語》所以沒有在西漢時期被列入成為《五經》之一，主因在於不同版本之間存有篇數差異及未經「孔子删削」而成為「權威定本」，是以不符合西漢「大一統」的政治需要。而且，在漢人眼裡「《論語》」的概念其實有「廣義」和「狹義」之分，這亦是前人研究時常常忽略的。至於，《論語》作為一種官學在兩漢之間如何形成及發展，以至最終成為部分知識人心目中的「第六經」亦是本文嘗試回答的問題。正如本文強調研究《論語》與社會及政治之間的關係，是以我們亦將探討西漢末至東漢時期的讖緯思潮如何導致孔子由一個人變成一個神的問題，因為《論語》作為孔子的言行記錄，其地位亦隨着孔子的地位改變而有所升降，而《七緯》中包含《論語緯》正是其中一種地位上升的表現。最後，有關《論語》在兩漢的政治影響力的問題，文中亦嘗試透過分析幾部政書及一些皇帝的詔書、朝議，指出朝臣及皇帝如何據《論》而言。當然，本研究所以以「五經以外」為題，並不是要否定《五經》在漢代的影響力，相反本研究嘗試從一個嶄新的角度分析兩漢的政治問題，從而希望能得出一些新的看法。 / This research aims at studying the political authority of a long-neglected classic in Han Dynasty ─Lun Yuor the Analects of the Confucius. To date, the majority of scholars in the intellectual history field are operating on the assumption that, be-cause of the establishment of the "Experts of Five Classics (The Book of History, the Book of Odes, the Book of Change, the Book of Ritualsand the Spring and Autumn Annals)" in the central government academy (Tai Xue) and an government officer recruitment examination based on the "Five Classics," the intellectual history of Han was basically the history about the conservation, transmission and interpretation of "Five Classics." Most sholarship on the Analects either studies the textual genesis or the literary character of this source material about Confucius. As a result, not many scholars have studied how the Analects interact with Han political, social, and material contexts. / But should we accept this common wisdom that the intellectual history of Han was just the history about the "Five Classics"? Or was there something beyond the "Five Classics" that was of equal importance? This could be answered by the fact that Cai Yong, a senior official and a Confucian scholar of the latter Han period, described the Analects as the "Sixth Classic" which was also a basic entry requirement for the newly appointed "Erudites" and academy students of the Imperial Academy (Tai Xue) in late Eastern Han. It is also interesting to note that many official documents or memorials that the senior officials presented to the court quoted from the Analects to support their arguments since Emperor Wu of Western Han. It is reasonable, therefore, to believe that the Analects had played a special role in the politics of Han China. / It is commonly believed that Han intellectuals in office emphasized the ideas in the "Five Classics" as practical solutions for contemporary political and social issues; and all government schools (from elementary learning to academy) should use "Five Classics" as part of their programs. As a result, we are told, the "Five Classics" became the authoritative traditions of Han Dynasty. It is hard to belief, however, that the "Five Classics," each with hundreds of thousands of words (most of them are exegesis written by later classical masters), could be propagated to the whole country, including the far-flung regions of the empire, in the pre-printing era. Furthermore, some recently excavated materials suggest a different view to evaluate the influence of the "Five Classics." What is most striking was that the excavated manuscripts of the "Five Classics" were only discovered in the Central Plain (i.e., the North China Plain), while no discovery was reported outside this area. On the other hand, excavated manuscripts of the Han Analects were unearthed in many parts of the Han Empire as far as the region which is now North Korea (most of them belong to the early Western Han period before Emperor Wu). This phenomenon invites us to recast our views of the past in unforeseen ways. It stands to reason to argue that the authority of the "Five Classics" in the Han is somewhat overstated and the influence of the Analectsis underestimated in a particular time and place. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 何家祈. / Parallel title from English abstract. / Thesis (M.Phil.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 246-261). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / He Jiaqi.

何啟志. / "2004年7月". / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2004. / 參考文獻(leaves 99-101). / "2004 nian 7 yue". / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / He Qizhi. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2004. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 99-101). / 引言：魏晉玄學的「言意之辨」 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章、 --- 語言哲學硏究角度的檢討 --- p.4 / Chapter 一、 --- 許抗生：借「言意之辨」說明唯物論語言觀 --- p.4 / Chapter 二、 --- 牟宗三：通過兩種真理觀解釋「言意之辨」 --- p.7 / Chapter 三、 --- 檢討 --- p.8 / Chapter 第二章、 --- 學術史硏究角度的檢討 --- p.13 / Chapter 一、 --- 湯用彤：確立「言意之辨」學術史硏究的框架 --- p.13 / Chapter 二、 --- 林麗真、余敦康：通過「言意之辨」探討魏晉人注經之方法 --- p.15 / Chapter 三、 --- 王葆玹：通過「言意之辨」探討魏晉人認識本體的方法 --- p.18 / Chapter 四、 --- 王曉毅：通過「言意之辨」探討魏晉人會通儒道之方法 --- p.20 / Chapter 五、 --- 檢討 --- p.23 / Chapter 第三章、 --- 哲學硏究角度的檢討 --- p.25 / Chapter 一、 --- 湯用彤：「言意之辨」對名士之立身行事亦有影響 --- p.25 / Chapter 二、 --- 近來之轉向：關於魏晉玄學的人生哲學硏究 --- p.27 / Chapter 三、 --- 人生哲學硏究角度的意義和困難 --- p.30 / Chapter 四、 --- 蔡振豐、沈順福與郭其才的嘗試 --- p.32 / Chapter 五、 --- 檢討 --- p.36 / Chapter 第四章、 --- 「言意之辨」與人生哲學的關係 --- p.39 / Chapter 一、 --- 「言意之辨」的討論背景 --- p.39 / Chapter 二、 --- 「言意之辨」的文獻解讀 --- p.45 / Chapter I. --- 「言意之辨」的重要槪念及主要問題 --- p.45 / Chapter II. --- 「言不盡意論」與「言盡意論」 --- p.50 / Chapter III. --- 「得意忘言論」 --- p.53 / Chapter 三、 --- 「言意之辨」與人生哲學的關係 --- p.55 / Chapter I. --- 由「聖人之意」的追尋說明人生哲學的關懷 --- p.55 / Chapter II. --- 魏晉「言意之辨」隱含理想生命的關懷 --- p.57 / Chapter 第五章、 --- 從「自我轉化」說「言意之辨」的人生哲學意義 --- p.60 / Chapter 一、 --- 中國哲學的主題是「自我轉化」 --- p.60 / Chapter 二、 --- 「言意之辨」隱含「自我轉化」的意思：境界的超昇 --- p.62 / Chapter I. --- 「玄遠」的追尋反映理想生命的構想 --- p.63 / Chapter II. --- 「忘言以得意」反映一種境界的超昇 --- p.68 / Chapter III. --- 由境界的超昇說明「自我轉化」的意義 --- p.73 / Chapter 第六章、 --- 從時代背景說「得意忘言」與「自我轉化」的關係 --- p.75 / Chapter 一、 --- 魏晉人所追尋的「自我轉化」及其所面對的困難 --- p.76 / Chapter I. --- 魏晉玄學以道家的理想作爲「自我轉化」的方向 --- p.76 / Chapter II. --- 追尋「道」所面對的困難：「言」與「道」難以相容的關係 --- p.80 / Chapter 二、 --- 「得意忘言」之提出與困難之克服 --- p.84 / Chapter I. --- 確立言說作爲工具的角色 --- p.84 / Chapter II. --- 指出「體悟」才是追尋「道」的途徑 --- p.86 / Chapter 三、 --- 「得意忘言」對魏晉名士的人生觀之影響 --- p.89 / Chapter I. --- 「得意忘言」在人生觀之體現：「得意忘形骸」 --- p.89 / Chapter II. --- 後人的評價及回應 --- p.91 / 餘論：「言意之辨」與佛教的傳入 --- p.96 / 參考書目 --- p.99 / 鳴謝 --- p.102

陳孝龍. / Thesis submitted in: December 2009. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 53-57). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Chen Xiaolong. / 摘要 --- p.i / 目錄 --- p.iii / 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 槪念分析-性、分、性分 --- p.2 / Chapter (一） --- 性 --- p.2 / Chapter (二） --- 分 --- p.8 / Chapter (三） --- 性分 --- p.14 / Chapter 二、 --- 性分的理論意含 --- p.19 / Chapter (一） --- 自生、自然、獨化 --- p.19 / Chapter (二） --- 適性逍遙 --- p.29 / Chapter (三） --- 率性無爲 --- p.34 / Chapter 三、 --- 性分與變化 --- p.37 / Chapter (一） --- 性分可否被改變？ --- p.37 / Chapter (二） --- 性分是否會變化？ --- p.43 / Chapter (三） --- 性分不變論與事物變化是否矛盾？ --- p.49 / 結論 --- p.52 / 參考資料 --- p.53

羅燕玲. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 197-204) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Luo Yanling.

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy

This dissertation is intended as a contribution to research on Dong Zhongshu (c. 195 - c. 115 BCE). Dong is generally acknowleged the most important Confucian philosopher of the Former Han dynasty (206 BCE - 6 CE) and is usually-assigned a key role in the adaptation of Confucian thought to the demands of the centralized imperial state. However, recent research has brought his contribution to this process into question. In particular, it has been pointed out that the usual source of evidence for Dong's ideas, the Chunqiu fanlu, is inconsistent with contemporary material in one vital respect - the cosmological framework employed to interpret natural disasters and strange events. The dissertation is divided into four parts. In the first, I reconstruct the events of Dong's life. I review all evidence on his dates of birth and death, his service in the imperial government, and the times at which documents by him were written, determining his chronology with greater accuracy than has been the case previously. I also review the state of Dong's works in the Han, clarifying several anomalies in references to them. The second part relates Dong's philosophy in as much detail as possible, leaving aside all Chunqiu fanlu material except that which can be shown to be authentic. The first chapter deals with Han forerunners of Dong: the Huang-Lao and early Gongyang schools, the Shangshu dazhuan, Lu Jia, and Jia Yi. The second chapter reconstructs a general outline of his philosophical system, and the third discusses three aspects of it for which quantities of reliable material have survived: his legal thought, prognosticatory theory, and attempts to control rain. The picture of Dong as the architect of "Imperial Confucianism," long under suspicion, is revealed as a total fiction: for instance, his cyclical theory of history stated that the Han dynasty was cosmologically bound to abdicate. As earlier suspected, Five Forces concepts were absent from Dong's thought. It is possible to reconstruct details of a Yin-Yang cosmology quite different from that earlier attributed to Dong, although his full system remains somewhat unclear. Part Three traces the development of Gongyang thought from the time of Dong's death up to He Xiu (129 - 172 CE). I demonstrate a correlation between the fortunes of the two branches of the Gongyang tradition and their attitudes to the Wang Mang interregum, and show the close links between Gongyang scholars and the Later Han court. Gongyang thought appears to have been stable for half a century after Dong's death, but in the next fifty years it suffered drastic modifications marked by Five Forces ideas and a historical theory asserting the legitimacy of the Han. The topic of Part Four is the Chunqiu fanlu itself. The first chapter discusses its physical condition, the second reviews previous scholarship, the third investigates Yin-Yang and Five Forces ideas, the fourth takes up a variety of other features, and the fifth is devoted to a detailed analysis of rainmaking. Among other things, it is demonstrated that much physical damage derives from a single copy with 420 words per page, that there are clear traces of earlier independent works within the Chunqiu fanlu, and that several chapters can be dated to the time immediately preceding the accession of Wang Mang. The chapter on seeking rain proves to have been rewritten at least once, with the object of introducing material relevant to the Five Forces. On the other hand, I am also able to show that there are several groups of chapters in the text which may well be from Dong Zhongshu, including some chapters on Yin-Yang and the discussions of the suburban sacrifice. / Arts, Faculty of / Asian Studies, Department of / Graduate

本論文的撰寫基於一個前設：緯書之出現，本非為釋經而生；並以此為基礎，析論經、緯關係，及其衍生之政治相關議題。傳統見解中，認為緯書的出現乃經學之附生產品，緯書的內容，係為釋經、而附以其政治任務而生。本文並無意挑戰緯書乃政治鬥爭產物之觀點，只是要說緯書乃因釋經而生，則不符西漢的儒學發展演變。 / 儒學世界中，真正為經學附庸者，乃章句而非緯學。任何事物的出現，必然有其偶然與必然性，撇除難以探討的偶然性問題，若說緯學乃出自釋經所需，則其將缺乏形成的必然性；因為自宣帝、元帝間始，儒學各經派對自身經書的章句之學已進入高速發展期，以萬字釋一言乃師法之內的家常之事，緯學若然是釋經之作，則其出現實屬多餘。 / 本文認為，緯學係作為博士經學、古學以外出現的第三道政治學術主流。經學上的博士經學體系，雖然系出董仲舒，難免沾染災異之說，但五經之中，除了後成的《禮記》，大體上仍然保持其「純潔」，緯學的出現，乃為對政治混局預占之所需，配合董氏以來齊學的災異傳統而發展起來的獨立學派，此即張禹口中的「新學」。必須重新評估新學的獨立性，方能掌握白虎觀後，緯學、博士經學、古學三川並流的學術「定局」。 / 所以，本文將主要分為兩大部分，第一部分包含第一及第二章，主要探討形成博士經學體系、古學體系與緯學體系的學術歷史環境；因為經學史的演進部分，研究已汗牛充棟，本文集中討論的是形成這個政治學術環境的背境因素。 / 第二部分包含第三及第四章，主要探討緯學在兩漢之際的儒學體系中的角色。東漢中前期形成三學並立的局面，源起成帝對新學的提拔，此新學本文稱為成哀新學，其除對齊學傳統的災異之說有所繼承外，更係對西漢一代可資運用的「一切資源」加以包納，形成一個「百科全書」式的學派綱目。基於王莽與劉秀對新學的「神化」，令其成為「儒教」在兩漢之際實踐神道設教的核心，地位更凌駕於博士經系之上。本部分即對此現象之形成加以綜述。 / 簡單而言，本文將視「博士經學」「古學經學」「緯學」為漢代儒學中的三個重要組成部分，而儒學思想，則作為三者溝通、乃至相互影響的橋樑；不過，此橋樑本身，亦係三者之體系形成過程中，方始形成的觀念；換言之，本文旨在透過理解此體系之形成，以釐清漢代儒學發展中的部分關鍵。 / To exmaine the development of Ru learning in early Han Dynasty through the study of its formation process has so far received relatively less attention, as scholars mostly took it for granted that Ru classics were mostly formed during the Warring States. However, the Ru classics as we know today had simply not yet been compiled in early Han, but fragmented pieces of allegedly writings of ancient authors, with ample rooms for further and necessary intreptation. In other words, without the deconstruction, and reconstruction, of the Han Confucians, the concept of Classics (jing) would only remain empty. This thesis, thus, would focus on how and why Ru classics were constructed. / The first chapter provides a brief history on the formation and changes of the Five Classics, together with an introduction of the background of the Han intellectual world at its very beginning; as well as an analysis of the ways that the Central government and different localities interacted in order to facilitate the initial stage of Han Ru development. / The second chapter will study the formative years of Ru participation in Han politics, and suggest that it started as early as Wendi 文帝while it was traditionally thought to be the great achievement of Wudi 武帝. The chapter will demonstrate how Wendi and Jingdi 景帝struggled to promote Ru learnings during their rules. And thus the chapter would lead to the conclusion that Wudi’s policy of exclusive promotion of Ru was nothing more than the legacy of his father and grandfather. Nevertheless, this chapter will make a further inquiry into this formative period through the study of New Book 賈誼《新書》to illustrate its characterisitcs. Following that, a section on the “Qi tradition齊學of Han Ru will be introduced and its unique and important role in the Ru system will be emphasized by examining the development of Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 and his works on the Gongyang traditions 公羊學. The chapter concludes the formative era by discussing the book of Yantieyuan《鹽鐵論》 to show that the basic ideas and structure of the Ru system was a quasi-established one immediately after the ruling years of Wudi. Core principles made up by the majority faction in Qixue will rule in the names of Jing 經, Chang 常 and suppress principles of Quan 權, Bian 變 found in Wudi’s rules. / The third chapter, instead of focusing on the ideological and intellectual changes, deals with how real-politik exerted its great influence on the stabilizing period. The once forgotten Quan-Bian faction rose again during this late Western-Han period as a result of fierece political struggles among different parties alongside with the ideological disuptues between the Jinwen and Guwen schools. The chapter will try to foster a new concept under the term of Cheng-Ai Neoism to illustrate the uprising of the studies of Chen Prophecy and Apocrypha as a result of Qixue traditions and political turmoil. / The last chapter will supplement the previous chapters by introducing the origins of Apocrypha and how its development affected the construction and development of Ru Classics and how it was applied in real-politik. The chapter would also like to argue that without Apocrypha, the so-called Ru system would not be a matured one through the studies of Bangu’s Baihu-tongyi. And the chapter would conclude the thesis by stating that with the matured development in both Classics and Apocrypha, the systematic construction of Han Ru system was finally established as a result. / To conclude, this thesis aims to examine different stages of development that finally led to the formation of Han Ru system which affected the intellectual and political development of Han and post-Han dynasties. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 趙鍾維. / "2013年7月". / "2013 nian 7 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 204-215). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Zhao Zhongwei. / Chapter 緒論： --- 前人研究與討論空間 --- p.V / Chapter 壹、 --- 總論：秦火之後的齊學世界 --- p.1 / Chapter 1. --- 先秦無經學 --- p.1 / Chapter 2. --- 經學觀念形成於漢武帝朝 --- p.2 / Chapter 3. --- 由殘簡至經學 --- p.9 / Chapter 4. --- 先秦下層思想於漢初的「逆向上流」 --- p.41 / Chapter 5. --- 地方與中央構建 --- p.49 / Chapter 貳、 --- 中央政治與齊經學構建 --- p.58 / Chapter 1. --- 漢初用儒 --- p.58 / Chapter 2. --- 漢武尊儒 --- p.76 / Chapter 3. --- 鹽鐵會議 --- p.100 / Chapter 參、 --- 齊儒治世與成哀新學 --- p.112 / Chapter 1. --- 甘露論儒 --- p.112 / Chapter 2. --- 漢季禮爭：博士經與王氏始交 --- p.116 / Chapter 3. --- 河平校書 --- p.120 / Chapter 4. --- 移書讓太常博士 --- p.124 / Chapter 5. --- 成哀新學 --- p.126 / Chapter 6. --- 王莽與漢晚儒學 --- p.128 / Chapter 肆、 --- 讖緯體系 --- p.130 / Chapter 1. --- 緯學體系 --- p.130 / Chapter 2. --- 緯學發展簡論 --- p.151 / Chapter 3. --- 讖緯干政 --- p.158 / Chapter 4. --- 讖緯干經 --- p.182 / Chapter 5. --- 經緯平議 --- p.185 / Chapter 6. --- 白虎通論 --- p.195 / Chapter 伍、 --- 結論 --- p.202 / p.204