The problem with which this investigation is concerned is the description and. analysis of President Harry S Truman's use of his Presidential prerogative in recalling the Republican Eightieth Congress into special session on July 26, 1948. The results of this investigation indicate that President Truman's call for a special session of the Eightieth Congress on July 26, 1948, was primarily a tactic in his campaign strategy for the election of that year. However, the full significance of the session can be understood only by taking into account the political environment of the postwar period and the executive-legislative relationships between President Truman and the Republican Eightieth Congress on domestic legislation. The special session was a microcosm of the political events of 1948 and the relationship between the President and the Eightieth Congress.

Notre recherche porte sur un réseau territorialisé d’organisations (RTO) pour développer l’attractivité d’une destination touristique de réunions et de congrès. Le concept de cluster, en tant que forme spécifique de RTO, a retenu notre attention, car il partage un certain nombre de caractéristiques avec une destination touristique.Pour cette dernière, les relations inter organisationnelles sont essentielles au développement de son attractivité. Afin de questionner les mécanismes sous-jacents à la structuration d’un réseau, notre méthodologie se compose d’une analyse structurale et d’une étude qualitative. La première nous permet de représenter graphiquement la structure du réseau et d’appréhender ses propriétés. La seconde, qui repose sur l’approche par la proximité, nous permet de comprendre la stratégie des acteurs à partir des relations inter organisationnelles.Les résultats de cette étude de cas menée dans la région Provence-Alpes-Côte d’Azur soulignent l’importance de la proximité de ressources matérielles et immatérielles, et de la proximité de médiation pour activer les coopérations autour de la promotion de la destination. / Destination planners and managers put all their efforts and resources to elaborate adequate plans to reach destination attractiveness in a very competitive market. Our research highlights the importance of cooperation in order to promote the brand and the image of the destination. In this frame, the concept of cluster is relevant as it shares common features with tourism destination.This study aims at identifying the most salient factors activating the inter-organizational relationships. Using structural analysis and proximities approach, we attempt to consider all the factors influencing the cooperation between organizations to reach destination attractiveness.We analyze tourism from the perspective of travel motives. Meetings and congresses tourism experts in the region Provence-Alps-French Riviera have answered a questionnaire and have been interviewed. Our results show that the most important categories for an attractive destination are the proximities of immaterial and material resources, and proximities of mediation. Findings indicate that the region Provence-Alps-French Riviera might not be the most relevant area to implement a cluster.

This paper examines the evolution of government policy through Congressional debate and citizen involvement on the topic of Agent Orange. Use of primary sources from newspaper and journal articles, Congressional records, scientific studies, and press releases and some secondary literature by scholars from multiple disciplines builds a picture of the ongoing debate of Agent Orange and its two component herbicides from circa 1940 to 1991. Within this paper are four primary focuses, divided into three parts. First, the Congressional discussions prior to 1970 of 2,4-D and 2,4,5-T, the two herbicides that comprise Agent Orange. Second and third, discussed in the same section, the involvement of the scientific community and the ratification of the Geneva Protocol. Lastly, the movement after the Vietnam War for veteran benefits due to Agent Orange exposure.

Thesis advisor: Stephen J. Pfohl / Existing studies of governmental responses to human rights allegations emphasize the rhetorical forms that official claims take at the expense of demonstrating how contextual factors influence discourse. Analytically, this dissertation accounts for these factors by theorizing and analyzing how knowledge and culture operate in American political discourse of torture. Drawing on a qualitative content and discourse analysis of 40 congressional hearings, held between 2003 and 2008, this dissertation documents a transition in American politics from a discourse of denial, which downplayed allegations of abuse and torture, to a discourse of acknowledgment, which criticized the Bush administration's interrogation policies on the grounds that the policies permitted torture and undermined U.S. interests. By situating this transition within its institutional and political context, this study examines the influence of documentary evidence of torture, interpretive frames in which American officials situated that evidence, and political power as expressed in control over congressional committees on political discourse. Between 2003 and 2008, a significant volume of documentary evidence of violence against detainees in U.S. custody entered public discourse. Typically, shifts in congressional discourse followed the release of official, documentary evidence produced by government sources, such as military police or FBI agents, that provided first-hand or localized portrayals of abuse and torture at U.S. detention facilities. Such documents, including the photographs taken at Abu Ghraib prison and FBI emails documenting torture at Guantánamo, secured a "reality" of violence that members of Congress found difficult to rationalize as legitimate state violence. This difficulty stems, in part, from the fact that localized portrayals of interpersonal violence frequently capture the excesses of that violence--the irrationality, sadism, and innovations in cruelty of torturers and the vulnerabilities of sufferers of torture. Significantly, though, the political meaning of documentary evidence derives from the interpretive frames in which it is situated. Between 2003 and 2008, "human rights" and the "rule of law" became increasingly available as interpretive frames for the political debate over detention and interrogation. This development resulted from several changes in the political environment, including the Bush administration's mobilization of human rights to legitimize the Iraq war and the Supreme Court's rulings on cases involving detainees. The Democrat's mid-term victory in 2006, which won Democrats control over both the House of Representatives and Senate, also profoundly influenced political discourse. Democrats used congressional committees to pursue broad, reflective hearings on the Bush administration's detention and interrogation policies. By inviting legal scholars and representatives of human rights organizations to speak about the policies, the Committees further elevated human rights and the rule of law in the debate about torture. Given these developments, a critical discourse of torture gradually emerged and solidified. This discourse labeled American interrogation practices--known to their supporters as "enhanced interrogation"--as torture and linked their use to significant and negative global consequences for the U.S. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Sociology.

PhD, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand,2011 / This is a theoretical conceptual post-modern1 study which aims to elucidate the ANC’s democratic project through the prism of its relationship to the media. In turn, it aims to scrutinize events that have already occurred post-liberation in order to explore whether the free space of the media is steadily being impinged upon, and eroded and explore further, what ‘turns’ journalists made when under pressure from political forces. Whilst recognising that interlocking imperatives inform freedom and independence of the press, this study’s main focus is a political one. However, the issue of ownership is intrinsic to research on media ‘freedom’, particularly the concentration of ownership of the media and so, how commercial imperatives impact2 will be examined. Several theorists have been referred to in order to begin putting together a conceptual theoretical framework with which to clarify and account for the emergent pattern of discourse by the ANC on the media. The conceptual framework adumbrated here and employed in the analysis of the relationship of the ANC with the media draws heavily from Zizek, Mouffe and Butler, in particular. The concept of ‘resignifications’ comes from Butler, those of ‘Master signifier’ and ‘social fantasy’ from Zizek, and the conception of radical democracy from Mouffe. Use is made of these theoretical tools in order to account for the compulsion that characterizes certain discursive interventions on the media, which are always in some respect ‘inappropriate’ or in ‘excess’ of expectations. 1 Post-modern thinking has been influenced by Jacques Derrida, Michael Foucault, Jurgen Habermas, Soren Kierkegaard, Jean-Francois Lyotard and is characterised by fluidity, undecidability, openness, irony, parody as well a recognition of the world as a field of infinite interplay (McGrath, A: 1993: p456-60) 2 John Keane (1991) in The Media and Democracy is particularly useful in questioning how the concept of freedom of the press originated, but also how deregulation and commercial imperatives impact on the notions of democracy and freedom. Anton Harber wrote in a newspaper piece, Two fat ladies make a meal of it (2003: Business Day) that concentration of ownership - following the global trend – presents a danger to democracy, ‘leading to a homogenized and tepid media’.

Thesis advisor: R. Shep Melnick / This paper analyzes Pope Francis’s view of politics, particularly politics in the United States. Beginning with his speech before a special joint session of Congress on September 24, 2015, this paper explores many of the themes the Pope introduces in this speech, and compares those themes to those in other works he has published since being elected Pontiff in 2013. Then, this paper applies what he has said about contemporary American politics with the analysis of other scholars of American politics. Ultimately, I find that the Pope is very aware of problems in the United States, but hopes to present a positive alternative to address what he identifies as the contemporary world’s ills. / Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2016. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

Thesis advisor: Marc Landy / By examining the interactions between the presidency and the other branches of government, research illuminates the causes and mechanisms by which the presidency, and its power, ebbs and flows. Due to the nature of the powers directly granted to the president within the Constitution, much consideration has been given to presidential power through the prisms of national security, international affairs, and times of national emergency. Yet the presidency consists of more than the roles of commander- and diplomat-in-chief. By looking beyond the more obvious considerations of presidential power, the complexity of the institution’s development is not only revealed, but more fully explained. Consequently, this dissertation analyzes the development of presidential power by looking at the less obvious. It considers the use of formal executive tools to implement congressionally delegated and supported authority in an area of domestic policy: the creation of federally protected public lands. Instead of seeking to understand how the use of presidential power impacted an area of public policy, this research flips that perennial question on its head by asking: how has public land policy contributed to the development of presidential power? The research presented here shows, through the analysis of five public land categories, that the consistent application of executive power within this policy realm, combined with Congressional acceptance of this application, enhanced the overall power of the American presidency. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

L’internationalisme socialiste, doctrine prônant l'union et la solidarité des peuples par-delà les frontières, est un marqueur identitaire du socialisme du premier comme du second vingtième siècle. Après sa refondation au congrès d’Épinay en 1971, le nouveau Parti socialiste français (PS), dirigé par François Mitterrand, adhère à l’Internationale socialiste et annonce vouloir construire un « nouvel internationalisme ». C’est sous ce nom qu’il mène sa politique internationale durant une décennie charnière, marquée par la poursuite de la Guerre froide, l’accélération de la mondialisation économique, l’internationalisation croissante de la politique, et la conclusion d’un programme commun avec le Parti communiste français et le Mouvement des radicaux de gauche. Au terme de dix ans de montée en puissance du PS, F. Mitterrand est élu Président de la République française en mai 1981. Étudier la politique internationale et l'internationalisme du PS durant cette décennie clé, c’est ainsi éclairer l’articulation politique des échelles nationale et internationale dans un monde plus globalisé et c’est appréhender le tournant idéologique et politique de la gauche sous un angle nouveau. Dans cette thèse, on analyse ainsi dans une première partie la nature et la place de la notion d'internationalisme dans la culture, la doctrine et l’identité du PS. Puis dans un second temps, on s’intéresse aux pratiques internationales du PS, à ce qui caractérise sa diplomatie à toutes les échelles impliquées. En analysant la vision du monde et l’action internationale d’un groupe politique particulier, cette thèse cherche ainsi à questionner les bases sur lesquelles se sont construites la diplomatie et la société politique mondiales au moment même de l'approfondissement de la mondialisation / The socialist internationalism is a doctrine advocating the union and the solidarity between the peoples and beyond the borders. It is an identity marker of the socialism of the whole twentieth century, not only of its beginning. After the congress of Épinay in 1971, the new French Socialist Party (PS) supervised by François Mitterrand adheres to the Socialist International and announces its will to shape a "new internationalism". The French socialists lead their international policy following this slogan, for a pivotal decade marked by the pursuit of the Cold War, the acceleration of the economic globalization, the increasing internationalization of politics, and the conclusion of a common program with the French communist Party and the “Mouvement des Radicaux de Gauche”. After ten years of growing importance for the PS, F. Mitterrand is elected President of the French Republic in May 1981. Studying the international policy and the internationalism of the PS during this key decade enables to inform the political articulation of the national and international scales in a more globalized world. It is a way to understand the ideological and political turning point of the left under a new angle. To do so in this thesis, we analyze in a first part the nature and the place of the notion of internationalism in the culture, the doctrine and the identity of the PS. In a second part, we analyze the international practices of the PS, what characterizes its diplomacy on all the involved scales. By analyzing the vision of the world and the international action of a particular political group, this thesis finally tries to question the bases of global diplomacy and of a new global society at the time of the deepening of globalization / L'internazionalismo socialista, dottrina che esalta l'unione e la solidarietà fra i popoli, rappresenta una caratteristica identitaria del socialismo dell'inizio attraverso l’intero ventesimo secolo. A seguito della sua rifondazione al congresso di Épinay nel 1971, il nuovo Partito socialista francese (PS), sotto la direzione di François Mitterrand, aderisce all'Internazionale socialista ed annuncia di voler costruire un "nuovo internazionalismo". Sarà questo slogan che condurrà la sua politica internazionale durante un decennio contrassegnato dalla continuazione della Guerra fredda, l'accelerazione della mondializzazione economica, l'internazionalizzazione crescente della politica, e la conclusione di un programma comune col Partito comunista francese ed il Movimento dei radicali di sinistra. Sull’onda di un crescente consenso ingenerato nei dieci anni precedenti, F. Mitterrand viene eletto Presidente della Repubblica francese nel maggio del 1981. Studiare l’evoluzione della politica internazionale e dell'internazionalismo del PS durante questo decennio, significa analizzare l’interazione fra politiche nazionali ed internazionali in un contesto sempre più globalizzato ed osservare, sotto una prospettiva differente, il mutamento ideologico e politico della sinistra. La prima parte di questa tesi, si sofferma pertanto sulla natura e la collocazione della nozione di internazionalismo nella cultura, nella dottrina e nell'identità del PS. La seconda parte si inoltra nello studio delle pratiche internazionali e diplomatiche del PS a tutti livelli. Attraverso l’esegesi “della visione del mondo” e dell'azione internazionale di un gruppo politico particolare, questa tesi si interroga sulle basi fondanti la diplomazia e le società politiche mondiali al sopraggiungere della mondializzazione.

Honours Degree / James April, [hereafter referred to as April] was a member of the ANC's military wing Umkhonto we Sizwe [otherwise referred to as MK. What might have seemed unusual to the court that day, and to many onlookers, was the fact that he was a "Cape Coloured" man espousing his allegiance to the ANC and praising it as" ... the spirit of the African people". April and Basil February Chis close friend and comrade] were among the first non-African people to join MK thereby recognising the common destiny of all black people. In part,to tell April's [and Basil February's] story is to explore from an individual perspective the capacity and ability of people to overcome their socialisation, and to rise above conformity and social restrictions. Most of all, April's story is of an activist whose political involvement led him to realise the inevitability and necessity of armed struggle. Furthermore, it is the story of the commitment of his life to this very armed struggle.

Human sex trafficking is a significant issue in the modern world. The International Labor Organization has estimated that 4.5 million people are the victims of forced commercial sexual exploitation worldwide. The United States' laws on human sex trafficking can be found in 22 U.S.C. -§7104 Prevention of Trafficking, and promulgate the strategy of prevention of trafficking, protection of trafficking victims, and punishment of traffickers. Under the terms of 22 U.S.C. -§7104, federal contractors can be penalized if any of their employees or subcontractor employees engage in a commercial sex act. The reliance on the private sector to curb sex trafficking through federal contracts is a nuance, and there is a gap in the literature regarding the Congressional rationale for creating a federal contract policy that places federal contractors in the position of being liable for the off-duty activities of their employees. This research question focused on understanding this shift in usage of federal contract policy to influence individual behavior expressed in this Act. A content analysis of documents was performed which relied on official U.S. government documentation, including transcripts of Congressional hearings. The findings indicate that the legislation was a tactical response to a pair of scandals involving U.S. personnel overseas, combined with a belief in money as a motivating force, international political factors, and moral certainty among elected officials that the Federal Government had to 'do something.' Positive social change was addressed in the process of this study by providing greater insight into the legislative thought process regarding federal procurement related statutes, and by providing future reformers with additional information regarding effective legislative strategies.