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In the U.S. Congress, the authorization-appropriation process is the formal model that establishes the separation between legislative and funding bills. Additionally, it determines the jurisdiction of the congressional committees that oversee those bills. However, a number of scholars have concluded that the authorization-appropriations dichotomy is substantially different in practice than the model suggests. Research in this area has shown that broad changes over the years have altered the roles of the authorization and appropriations committees. At different times, members of the appropriations committees have been regarded as guardians of the federal treasury, advocates of federal funds for their congressional district, or partisans in support of a political agenda (Adler, 2000). In addition to these roles, appropriators evidently have become more active in policymaking -- a role that traditionally has been the domain of the authorizing committees. To further explore the policymaking role of appropriators, this dissertation used a case study approach that traced appropriators' interactions with the executive branch, focusing on a federal agency and its links with the appropriations subcommittees that have oversight and funding jurisdiction over the agency's programs. Specifically, the study analyzed the relationship between the House and Senate Subcommittees on Labor, Health and Human Services, Education, and Related Agencies (L/ HHS) and the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services' Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality (AHRQ) during the period from 1989-2009. Through an examination of critical incidents and contextual elements, this dissertation examined whether the Subcommittees on L/HHS increasingly have become significant players in shaping AHRQ's policies and direction. In addition, the dissertation examined the impacts on AHRQ and possible reciprocal [Agency] influences on the Subcommittees. This research has the potential to build on existing works related to the dynamics of the authorization-appropriations process. Moreover, this research could provide a conceptual framework for analyzing the roles that the other congressional appropriations subcommittees play in relation to the executive branch agencies under their jurisdictions. / Ph. D.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciene Soares Herculano.pdf: 1078410 bytes, checksum: 4d4ee415548424294f2eb9613b102825 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-11-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work examines the institutional role and the activities carried out by the Foreign Relations and National Defense Committee of the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies and by the Foreign Relations and National Defense Committee of the Brazilian Senate, carried out during the 52nd and 53rd legislative sessions (from February 2003 to January 2011), in the process of formulating, implementing and overseeing the guidelines that oriented brazilian foreign policy. During the period of 2003 and 2010, which comprised the two-term presidency of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, of the Workers Party (PT), several issues became controversial in the Brazilian foreign relations arena. Beginning with a review of the Political Science and International Relations bibliography about the behavior of the National Congress and the dynamics involved in Brazilian foreign relations, the scope of this work is focused on the activities of the two permanent legislative committees. Composed by a wide range of technical and partisan profiles, these legislative niches are formed based on the appointments made by the congressional leadership and carry out a specific role within Congress: to address the country s international agenda. This dissertation aims to go beyond the account of activities related in the Annual Reports issued by each of the houses by including analyses of the constitutional, legal, informational and political aspects. More than recounting the results of eight years of work by these two nuclei of National Congress, this work seeks to observe these committees from the partisan, ideological and electoral perspectives. The examination of all the evidence supports the conclusion that legislators have been considerably proactive, participant and influential in Brazilian foreign policy decision-making. Differently from what previous studies have indicated, despite legal, constitutional and institutional limitations, the Chamber of Deputies and the Federal Senate have not relinquished or delegated to the Executive Branch their roles in this regard. By highlighting this productivity, the current survey shows that these committees have been able to maintain, by their own activities, their autonomy in regard to external factors, such as pressure from the Executive and the aspirations of the constituency / Este trabalho analisa o papel institucional e a atuação da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e de Defesa Nacional da Câmara dos Deputados (CREDN) e da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e Defesa Nacional do Senado Federal (CRE), em atividade durante as 52ª (2003-2006) e 53ª (2003-2006) legislaturas, no processo de formulação, implementação e fiscalização das diretrizes que conduziram a política externa brasileira. Entre os anos de 2003 e 2010, período que coincidiu com os dois mandatos do ex-presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), foram diversas as pautas e polêmicas que marcaram o campo das relações internacionais do Brasil. A partir da revisão bibliográfica nos campos da Ciência Política e das Relações Internacionais sobre o comportamento do Congresso Nacional e a dinâmica que envolve as relações exteriores do País, delimita-se o objeto desta pesquisa às duas Comissões Permanentes. Compostas por perfis técnicos e partidários dos mais variados, esses nichos legislativos são constituídos a partir das indicações do Colégio de Líderes e desempenham uma função específica no parlamento: tratar da agenda internacional brasileira. Esta dissertação propõe avançar além do balanço das atividades relatadas pelos respectivos Relatórios Anuais das duas Casas, incluindo análises dos aspectos constitucional, jurídico, informacional e político. Mais do que averiguar o resultado de oito anos de trabalho destes dois núcleos parlamentares, este levantamento dedicou-se à observação dessas comissões sob os pontos de vista partidário, ideológico e eleitoral. A soma de todas as evidências reunidas respalda a conclusão que aponta a proatividade, a participação e a influência dos legisladores em parte considerável da tomada de decisões sobre a política internacional do Brasil. Diferentemente do apontado em estudos anteriores, apesar das limitações jurídicas, constitucionais e institucionais, a Câmara dos Deputados e o Senado Federal não abdicam ou delegam ao Executivo as funções relativas a essa agenda. Ao realçar essa produtividade, a presente pesquisa revela que a CREDN e a CRE conseguem manter, com atividades próprias, autonomia em relação a fatores externos como a pressão do Executivo e as aspirações do eleitorado

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:55:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciene Soares Herculano.pdf: 1078410 bytes, checksum: 4d4ee415548424294f2eb9613b102825 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-11-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work examines the institutional role and the activities carried out by the Foreign Relations and National Defense Committee of the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies and by the Foreign Relations and National Defense Committee of the Brazilian Senate, carried out during the 52nd and 53rd legislative sessions (from February 2003 to January 2011), in the process of formulating, implementing and overseeing the guidelines that oriented brazilian foreign policy. During the period of 2003 and 2010, which comprised the two-term presidency of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, of the Workers Party (PT), several issues became controversial in the Brazilian foreign relations arena. Beginning with a review of the Political Science and International Relations bibliography about the behavior of the National Congress and the dynamics involved in Brazilian foreign relations, the scope of this work is focused on the activities of the two permanent legislative committees. Composed by a wide range of technical and partisan profiles, these legislative niches are formed based on the appointments made by the congressional leadership and carry out a specific role within Congress: to address the country s international agenda. This dissertation aims to go beyond the account of activities related in the Annual Reports issued by each of the houses by including analyses of the constitutional, legal, informational and political aspects. More than recounting the results of eight years of work by these two nuclei of National Congress, this work seeks to observe these committees from the partisan, ideological and electoral perspectives. The examination of all the evidence supports the conclusion that legislators have been considerably proactive, participant and influential in Brazilian foreign policy decision-making. Differently from what previous studies have indicated, despite legal, constitutional and institutional limitations, the Chamber of Deputies and the Federal Senate have not relinquished or delegated to the Executive Branch their roles in this regard. By highlighting this productivity, the current survey shows that these committees have been able to maintain, by their own activities, their autonomy in regard to external factors, such as pressure from the Executive and the aspirations of the constituency / Este trabalho analisa o papel institucional e a atuação da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e de Defesa Nacional da Câmara dos Deputados (CREDN) e da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e Defesa Nacional do Senado Federal (CRE), em atividade durante as 52ª (2003-2006) e 53ª (2003-2006) legislaturas, no processo de formulação, implementação e fiscalização das diretrizes que conduziram a política externa brasileira. Entre os anos de 2003 e 2010, período que coincidiu com os dois mandatos do ex-presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), foram diversas as pautas e polêmicas que marcaram o campo das relações internacionais do Brasil. A partir da revisão bibliográfica nos campos da Ciência Política e das Relações Internacionais sobre o comportamento do Congresso Nacional e a dinâmica que envolve as relações exteriores do País, delimita-se o objeto desta pesquisa às duas Comissões Permanentes. Compostas por perfis técnicos e partidários dos mais variados, esses nichos legislativos são constituídos a partir das indicações do Colégio de Líderes e desempenham uma função específica no parlamento: tratar da agenda internacional brasileira. Esta dissertação propõe avançar além do balanço das atividades relatadas pelos respectivos Relatórios Anuais das duas Casas, incluindo análises dos aspectos constitucional, jurídico, informacional e político. Mais do que averiguar o resultado de oito anos de trabalho destes dois núcleos parlamentares, este levantamento dedicou-se à observação dessas comissões sob os pontos de vista partidário, ideológico e eleitoral. A soma de todas as evidências reunidas respalda a conclusão que aponta a proatividade, a participação e a influência dos legisladores em parte considerável da tomada de decisões sobre a política internacional do Brasil. Diferentemente do apontado em estudos anteriores, apesar das limitações jurídicas, constitucionais e institucionais, a Câmara dos Deputados e o Senado Federal não abdicam ou delegam ao Executivo as funções relativas a essa agenda. Ao realçar essa produtividade, a presente pesquisa revela que a CREDN e a CRE conseguem manter, com atividades próprias, autonomia em relação a fatores externos como a pressão do Executivo e as aspirações do eleitorado