Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, 2017. / Submitted by Raquel Almeida (raquel.df13@gmail.com) on 2018-03-19T20:20:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_PhilippRomanLudwigGerhard.pdf: 1896844 bytes, checksum: 38e66f2f4661ead8b6746ed1b61594eb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana (raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2018-04-03T16:10:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_PhilippRomanLudwigGerhard.pdf: 1896844 bytes, checksum: 38e66f2f4661ead8b6746ed1b61594eb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-03T16:10:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_PhilippRomanLudwigGerhard.pdf: 1896844 bytes, checksum: 38e66f2f4661ead8b6746ed1b61594eb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-03 / Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst (DAAD). / A relevância do Congresso de Viena (1814-1815) tanto para a história portuguesa quanto para a brasileira ainda é pouco estudada mesmo que a reunião diplomática decidisse muito mais para o Império luso-brasileiro que a mera pacificação da Europa pós-napoleônica. A manutenção quase ininterrupta do tráfico negreiro, essencial para a plantocracia brasileira, era o maior sucesso da delegação portuguesa e uma reclamação visível da autonomia decisória perante a prepotência britânica. A delimitação das duas Guianas ao norte e as ambições reforçadas à região da Prata no sul mostraram a importância e preocupação dada a fronteiras estáveis para a nova sede da monarquia portuguesa no Brasil. A restituição (des)esperada da Olivença, pequeno território fronteiriço sem crédito geoestratégico, e ocupada pela Espanha durante a Guerra Peninsular, assim aparentemente não chamou tanta atenção? Devastado pela guerra e simbolicamente subordinado ao Brasil, a situação em Portugal estava perigosa e ao menos a retomada da Olivença deveria servir de prêmio de consolação. Os dignitários no Rio de Janeiro, porém, estavam até prestes a desistir dessa praça limítrofe para não sendo obrigados a conceder à Grã-Bretanha autoridade sobre Cacheu e Bissau, possessão na costa ocidental africana. Mais que os outros, este caso mostra que os interesses periféricos e os metropolitanos do Império luso-brasileiro as vezes até ficaram sendo contraditórios entre si e dividiram o corpo diplomático. Enquanto isso, o representante francês no Congresso propôs elevar o Brasil em categoria do Reino equiparando-o até formalmente com Portugal. De fato, porém, o Brasil já tinha uma trajetória maior para o Império cuja reBuilding entrou em pratica com a chegada da Corte real no Rio de Janeiro. No palco diplomático, a apresentação da nova imagem imperial era acompanhada por um léxico autonomista que aspirava a emancipar-se da tutela britânica. Já antes da Independência do Brasil então, havia uma tendência na política externa do Império de priorizar a parte americana. Diminuindo o impacto incisivo de 1822, percebemos um padrão de continuidade entre a diplomacia luso-brasileira no Congresso de Viena e a Política Externa Brasileira nas suas primeiras décadas. / The relevance of the Congress of Vienna (1814-1815) for both Brazilian and Portuguese history is still not profoundly studied. The diplomatic meeting has decided, for sure, a lot more to the Luso-Brazilian Empire than solely the pacification of post-napoleonic Europe. The almost uninterrupted maintenance of the slave traffic, essential for the Brazilian plantocracy, was the biggest Portuguese commission’s success and a clear claim for the autonomy of decision before the British prepotency. To delimit both Guianas to north and the reinforced ambitions towards the Prata region to the south showed the importance given to stable frontiers for the new royal domicile in Brazil. Did the desperate restitution of Olivença, a small territory limitary without geostrategic credit and occupied by Spain during the Peninsular War, really earned that attention? But it did. Devastated by the war and symbolically subordinated to Brazil Portugal’s situation at stake. Thus, the recovery of the Olivença territory should at least be a consolation prize. However, Rio de Janeiro’s dignitaries were about to give up this region for not being obliged to grant Great Britain authority over Cacheu and Bissau, both on the African west coast. Specifically, this situation, with its periphery and metropolitan interests, shows, more than the other two cases, the potentially contradictory relation between both and therefore growing controversies between the diplomatic commission. Meanwhile, the French delegate at the Congress proposed the elevation of Brazil to a Kingdom, being formally equal even to Portugal. In fact, Brazil was already playing a key role on the scheme since the arrival of the Royal Court in Rio de Janeiro. On the diplomatic stage, the presentation of the new imperial image was followed an autonomic diction that also desired to emancipate itself from the British paternalism. Even before Brazil’s independency the Império’s foreign policy had the tendency to prioritize his American part. there was an external political tendency from the Empire to prioritize the American part. Decreasing the incisive impact from 1822 we may see a pattern of continuity among the Portuguese-Brazilian diplomacy at the Congress of Vienna and during the first decades of Brazilian Foreign Policy. / Zusammenfassung: Die Bedeutung des Wiener Kongresses (1814-1815) ist sowohl für die portugiesische als auch für die brasilianische Geschichte nur unzureichend erforscht, obwohl jene diplomatische Zusammenkunft deutlich mehr für das luso-brasilianische Reich bedeutete als die bloße Befriedung des post-napoleonischen Europas. Als größter Erfolg der portugiesischen Delegation konnte der Sklavenhandel beinahe ungestört fortgeführt werden. Unabdingbar für die brasilianische Plantokratie und sichtbare Rückforderung der (Entscheidungs-)Autonomie von der britischen Vormacht. Die Grenzziehung zwischen den beiden Guyanas im Norden und der erneute Griff nach der Prataregion im Süden zeigten die neue Bedeutung eines zweifelsfreien Grenzverlaufs, um keine Bedrohung für den neuen Sitz der portugiesischen Monarchie in Brasilien erwachsen zu lassen. Wurde der Restitution des Olivença, einem kleinen, geostrategisch bedeutungslosen Grenzgebiet, das während des Halbinselkrieges von Spanien annektiert worden war, folglich also weniger Aufmerksamkeit zuteil? Verwüstet durch den Krieg und symbolisch Brasilien untergeordnet blieb die Lage in Portugal gefährlich und so sollte zumindest die Rückgewinnung des Olivença als Trostpreis dienen. Die Würdenträger in Rio de Janeiro jedoch, waren sogar gewillt, auf diesen Grenzort zu verzichten, um nicht dazu gezwungen zu sein, das westafrikanische Territorium Cacheu und Bissau unter britische Autorität zu stellen. Dieser Fall zeigt mehr noch als die anderen, dass die peripheren und metropolitanen Interessen innerhalb des luso-brasilianischen Império bisweilen widersprüchlich waren und das diplomatische Korps spalteten. Vor diesem Kontext schlug der französische Vertreter auf dem Kongress vor, Brasilien in die Kategorie eines Königreiches zu erheben, was es nun also auch formell mit Portugal gleichsetzte. Faktisch hingegen, hatte Brasilien bereits eine höhere Tragkraft für das Império dessen reBuilding praktisch durch die Ankunft des Königshofes in Rio de Janeiro in Kraft trat. Auf diplomatischem Parkett wurde das Bild des neuen Império von einer dezidiert autonomistischen Lexik begleitet, womit versucht wurde sich von der britischen Bevormundung zu emanzipieren. Es gab also bereits vor der Unabhängigkeit Brasiliens bereits eine Tendenz in der Außenpolitik des Impérios, die den amerikanischen Reichsteil begünstigte. Zwischen der luso-brasilianischen Diplomatie auf dem Wiener Kongress und den ersten Jahrzehnten brasilianischer Außenpolitik bestand ein Kontinuitätsmuster, dass den Zäsurcharakter des Jahres 1822 schmälert.

Submitted by PPG Hist?ria (historia-pg@pucrs.br) on 2018-04-16T12:37:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernando Comiran_A VALSA DOS POBRES_Vers?o Final.pdf: 1413588 bytes, checksum: 9a7ef91f8a0e458d56cd9292dc2c9526 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Caroline Xavier (caroline.xavier@pucrs.br) on 2018-04-27T19:50:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernando Comiran_A VALSA DOS POBRES_Vers?o Final.pdf: 1413588 bytes, checksum: 9a7ef91f8a0e458d56cd9292dc2c9526 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-27T19:53:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernando Comiran_A VALSA DOS POBRES_Vers?o Final.pdf: 1413588 bytes, checksum: 9a7ef91f8a0e458d56cd9292dc2c9526 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-27 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / The aim of this work is to understand the diplomatic relations between Spain and Portugal during the Congress of Vienna and its bindings with Iberian politics in South America. After the Napoleonic Wars, Spain and Portugal were reinserted into the international system as peripheral forces in European policy. Without the same diplomatic density of previous times it was up to Portuguese diplomacy to build arrangements that were able to offer some role of participation in the reorganization of the European order. From the study of diplomatic correspondence between the two courts and their diplomats it was possible to realize that while Spain directed its efforts to strength Bourbon legitimacy in the Italian territories, the Portuguese diplomacy was concentrated on the restitution of the territory of Olivenza, taken by the Spaniards in the war of 1801. For different reasons and agendas, now structured, however improvised, the issues concerning South America, especially the Missoes Orientais do Urugua and the Banda Oriental as a whole have entered transversely the agendas of Vienna. / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo compreender as rela??es diplom?ticas entre Espanha e Portugal durante o Congresso de Viena e suas vincula??es com a pol?tica ib?rica na Am?rica meridional. Ap?s as guerras napole?nicas espanh?is e portugueses foram reinseridos no sistema internacional como for?as perif?ricas da pol?tica europeia. Sem a mesma densidade diplom?tica de tempos anteriores coube a diplomacia luso-espanhola construir arranjos que fossem capazes de oferecer algum lugar de participa??o na reorganiza??o da ordem europeia. A partir do estudo de correspond?ncia diplom?tica entre as duas cortes e seus diplomatas foi poss?vel perceber que, enquanto a Espanha direcionava seus esfor?os pela legitimidade din?stica bourb?nica nos territ?rios italianos a diplomacia portuguesa concentrava seus esfor?os na restitui??o do territ?rio de Oliven?a, tomado pelos espanh?is na Guerra de 1801. Por motivos distintos e por agendas, ora estruturadas, ora improvisadas, as quest?es relativas ? Am?rica do Sul, especialmente, as Miss?es Orientais do Uruguai e a Banda Oriental como um todo entraram transversalmente nas pautas de Viena.