This dissertation explores the interaction of syntax and morphology in the morpholog- ical realization of AGREE-relations. I present two case studies of derivational interactions of AGREE-processes where the morphological realization of the later processes are affected by the earlier ones. The two cases studied differ in the way probes and goals interact. The first part of the dissertation explores restrictions on clitic combinations where two goals vie for the features of one probe. The second part discusses the reverse situation, where two probes are agreeing with the same goal. The first configuration arises in restrictions on clitic combinations where v can AGREE with an indirect object and a direct object one at a time (Anagnostopoulou 2003, 2005b, Béjar and Rezác 2003). These configurations give rise to a form of competition: the sec- ond argument will fail to AGREE in any features that it shares with the first. I show that this form of competition extends from restrictions involving local person arguments, where it has been used so far, to restrictions involving third person and plural, which have so far been treated as morphological. Whereas the restrictions on local person lead to ungrammaticality, those on third person and plural result in impoverished morphological realization. I argue that this difference indicates a different role of AGREE for local person vs. third person and plural. Recent work as shown that local person has special syntactic licensing needs (e.g. Béjar and Rezác 2003, Baker 2008, Preminger 2011b). Third person and plural on the other hand, I argue, are syntactically wellformed on their own, but require AGREE to be visible to lexical insertion at PF. Failure to AGREE will lead to absence of morphological realization or ungrammaticality as a function of the features involved. Once restrictions on third person arguments are treated as syntactic, much of the variation across languages in their morphological realization follows from differences in the PF-inventory. The second situation, two probes AGREEING with the same goal, arises in agreement with objects in Hindi-Urdu. The second part of the dissertation discusses two asymmetries in agreement of T with subjects and objects in conjunction structures. While T-agreement with objects shows sensitivity to linear order (i.a. closest conjunct agreement), T-agreement with subjects does not. I argue that the differences follow from the activity of the goal at the time of agreement. While subjects are syntactically active at the time T probes them, objects are not, because they have already been assigned case by v. As a consequence, the syntactic relation between T and an object cannot value the T's probe in the syntax. Non- syntactic effects like the relevance of linear order affect agreement exactly when valuation cannot be achieved in the syntax. Both case studies lead to the proposal that syntactically wellformed derivations can be ruled out at PF by failure of lexical insertion. This can happen in two ways. The discus- sion of restrictions on clitic combinations will lead to the conclusion that some languages allow the syntax to generate wellformed structures that contain nodes with so few features that PF cannot insert an exponent for them. The discussion of agreement in Hindi-Urdu will lead to the proposal that the grammar can generate feature bundles with inconsistent features that cannot be spelled out in one form. Overall, PF does both less and more than is often assumed. The restrictions on third person and plural discussed in the first part are traditionally considered to be the result of morphological operations that change the feature content of clitics (Bonet 1991, 1993, 1995, Grimshaw 1997, Noyer 1997). The proposal here reduces the role of PF in these restrictions to spelling out syntactic structures that have reduced feature content as the result of syntactic interactions. Similarly, the proposal about Hindi-Urdu tightly delimits the space where non-syntactic effects on agreement arise. At the same time, PF can rule out syntactically wellformed structures, which is not typically assumed to be possible.

Adverbial constructions are a problematic subject in Tswana grammatical studies. Traditionally termed descriptives, it is not clear what the defining features of this category are. It is also a very vast category. There seems to be many different structures functioning as adverbials in Tswana, including particles, words, prepositional phrases and clauses. Tswana grammars in general often have little to say about the syntax of adverbials, in respect of, for instance, the propensity of Tswana adverbials for multiple occurrences in the same clause and the range of possible positions of Tswana adverbials in clause structure. Because of the vastness of the adverbial category we only deal with adverbials as elements of clause structure. A typical feature of adverbials is the considerable mobility they enjoy in relation to other elements in clause structure which affects their grammatical and semantic status in relation to such elements. By distinguishing different categories of adverbials, in clause structure it becomes clear that the same structural element may function within different adverbial categories. This necessitates a definition of adverbials which is based on their specific semantic functions within clause structure. The study is divided into five chapters. When dealing with the adverbial as a clause element in Tswana, we realise that it is not sufficiently described. The first two chapters therefore serve as an introduction to central theoretical issues where some relevant research is critically examined and related to the present study. In the next chapter, that is Chapter 3, we establish formal and semantic frameworks for the classification and descriptive treatment of adverbials in Tswana. In Chapter 4 we implement the structural, syntactic and semantic properties as well as the features adverbials have as modifiers to make a functional classification of adverbials in clause structure. The classification of adverbials as adjuncts, subjuncts, disjuncts and conjuncts from A Comprehensive grammar of the English language by Quirk, et al. (1985) (CGEL) is taken as the basis for this classification. Chapter 5 presents the overall conclusions and implications of the study. / African Languages / D.litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

This study develops a new approach to agreement variation in Standard Arabic (SA) and Rural Jordanian Arabic (RJA) based on the Probe-Goal framework of Chomsky (2000, 2001). The key patterns investigated are the variation in fullness of agreement in the SV and VS word orders, the relationship between agreement and clitic doubling, and the patterning of agreement with conjoined subjects. The thesis argues for a connection between agreement, clitic doubling, and word order. Full agreement on T (in person, number, and gender) causes the subject to move to [Spec, TP], deriving SV order. However, partial agreement on T (lacking person) creates only a partial copy of the subject in [Spec, TP]. This partial copy is realized as a pronominal clitic in some contexts (giving CLsVS word order) and as null pro in other contexts (giving VS word order). This approach enables a unified account of various differences in the patterning of agreement in SA and RJA. Turning to the more complex case of agreement with conjoined subjects, both varieties exhibit full resolved agreement with preverbal conjoined subjects. With postverbal conjoined subjects, however, there is variation: SA allows only partial agreement with the first conjunct while RJA allows partial agreement either with the first conjunct or with the entire conjoined phrase, depending on the features and the order of the conjoined nominals. The Probe-Goal framework augmented with Multiple Agree and the Continuity condition (Nevins 2007, 2011) will be employed to account for the choice between these two options in RJA. The more general theoretical conclusion is that the variation in agreement patterns is constrained by the internal hierarchical structure of φ-features on the probe. I propose that the probe has the same hierarchical structure as a pronoun (i.e. a DP). This proposal makes predictions about the range of possible variation in the features that are active in agreement and connects to broader issues such as the Pronominal Argument Hypothesis (Jelinek 1984) and the diachronic relationship between pronouns and agreement markers. / May 2017

Adverbial constructions are a problematic subject in Tswana grammatical studies. Traditionally termed descriptives, it is not clear what the defining features of this category are. It is also a very vast category. There seems to be many different structures functioning as adverbials in Tswana, including particles, words, prepositional phrases and clauses. Tswana grammars in general often have little to say about the syntax of adverbials, in respect of, for instance, the propensity of Tswana adverbials for multiple occurrences in the same clause and the range of possible positions of Tswana adverbials in clause structure. Because of the vastness of the adverbial category we only deal with adverbials as elements of clause structure. A typical feature of adverbials is the considerable mobility they enjoy in relation to other elements in clause structure which affects their grammatical and semantic status in relation to such elements. By distinguishing different categories of adverbials, in clause structure it becomes clear that the same structural element may function within different adverbial categories. This necessitates a definition of adverbials which is based on their specific semantic functions within clause structure. The study is divided into five chapters. When dealing with the adverbial as a clause element in Tswana, we realise that it is not sufficiently described. The first two chapters therefore serve as an introduction to central theoretical issues where some relevant research is critically examined and related to the present study. In the next chapter, that is Chapter 3, we establish formal and semantic frameworks for the classification and descriptive treatment of adverbials in Tswana. In Chapter 4 we implement the structural, syntactic and semantic properties as well as the features adverbials have as modifiers to make a functional classification of adverbials in clause structure. The classification of adverbials as adjuncts, subjuncts, disjuncts and conjuncts from A Comprehensive grammar of the English language by Quirk, et al. (1985) (CGEL) is taken as the basis for this classification. Chapter 5 presents the overall conclusions and implications of the study. / African Languages / D.litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

This article studies the legal regime of groundwater by analyzing the context of integrated water resources management and recognizing its definition and characteristics.Furthermore, it analyses the ownership of ground water, the planning regime applicable, the exploration and exploitation activities, their authorization certificates, the activity of supervision over them, and finally the article describes the special schemes for management and limitation recognized in Peruvian law. / En el presente artículo se estudia el régimen jurídico de las aguas subterráneas, analizando el marco de la gestión integrada de recursos hídricos y reconociendo su definición y particularidades.Asimismo, se analiza la titularidad de las aguas subterráneas, el régimen de planificación aplicable, las actividades de exploración y explotación, sus títulos habilitantes, la actividad de supervisión que sobre ellas recae, para finalmente, dejar anotados los regímenes especiales de gestión y limitación reconocidos en el ordenamiento jurídico peruano.