This thesis examines the Scottish Conservative party between 1832 and 1868. It focuses on the party's organisation, structure, leadership, and attitudes. It begins by examining the social, occupational, educational, and religious background of its MPs, candidates, and peers. This reveals that the party's composition, while predominantly aristocratic, nevertheless boasted a range of distinctive and often competing interests. The thesis then explores the make-up, organisation and activity of the party on a local constituency level. This illustrates that the party was more inclusive and heterogeneous than might be assumed, and was very active in promoting itself through a wide variety of methods. The party thus had a notable impact on the wider social and cultural life of Scotland throughout the mid-nineteenth century. Following this, the structure and leadership of the Scottish party on a national level is examined. These could be a source of innovation and accomplishment, and their subsequent decline had a marked effect on the party's overall performance. Above this level, the party's role in parliament, governance, and in a British context is explored. It is demonstrated that the Scottish party maintained a modicum of distinctiveness even at Westminster. Moreover, its multifaceted role in Scottish governance gave it significant influence over Scottish society. Finally, the positions of the Scottish party on important political issues are examined, as are the underlying attitudes which determined these positions. The Scottish party contained many competing and overlapping factions, which held a hitherto unsuspected diversity of outlooks. Overall, this thesis illustrates that the Scottish Conservative party had a pronounced effect on many different facets of Scottish politics and wider society, and was itself more complex and more popular than is reflected in the existing historiography. It therefore counters the assumption that Scotland was almost hegemonically Liberal - a finding which has potential implications for scholarship spread across Scottish and British political, social, and cultural history.

在 1979 年保守黨執政前的四十年可說是凱因斯理論盛行的時代，當時世界經濟陷入蕭條，失業人口遽增，故凱因斯提出以財政政策來調節「市場失靈」的現象。不過自 1970 年代後期，由於二次石油危機之衝擊，各地皆有物價持續上漲、失業率居高不下的經濟難題，此種停滯性膨脹之經濟情況已非凱因斯理論所能解釋，故經濟學家只好另謀解決之道。 1970 年代以 Friedman 為首的貨幣學派乘勢興起，其理論哲學認為一切總體問題之根源皆起於貨幣管理不當，因此欲解決通貨膨脹問題，其第一要務即為控制貨幣供給。自保守黨上台以來，即謹守著貨幣學派的理念，不僅強調貨幣數量之控制，亦注重供給面之成長以恢復經濟之生產力。 在柴契爾執政期間所推出的重要具體措施--中期財金策略( Medium-term Financial Strategy ，MTFS)即是以貨幣學派之理念為基礎的政府計畫。主要內容即是藉由 ￡M3 之執行成效外，本文就構成 PSBR 的兩面，支出面與收入面另有專章討論。 對於構成 PSBR 的支出面，吾人將要探討政府支出結構之變化、總支出占 GDP 之規模，以及是否達成保守黨欲縮減支出規模的目標。另外，對於移轉性支付中的社會安全制度，特別探討其造成「貧窮陷阱」及「失業陷阱」對經濟活動有何不良的影響，以及有何改進之道。 接著探討構成 PSBR 的收入面，吾人針對民營化收入及租稅收入進行討論。民營化之收益豐富，但終有出售殆盡的一天，故應注重其在預算中的列示方式及其用途。租稅方面則談到保守黨著名的重課消費、輕課所得理論，認為直接稅負擔有礙私人經濟誘因，故應大幅減輕。但實際的統計資料卻顯示間接稅負擔的確有所增加，但直接稅之負擔卻不見得減少。 最後，基於市場經濟力量萬能的理念，凡是私人能夠做好的事，政府皆不應干預，故政府在財政方面應力求預算平衡，如此才能將資源導入最有效率之途徑，公私部門間之報酬率相等，唯有當混合經濟體系取得平衡才能達到消除通貨膨脹、促進經濟成長之目的。

Revivalism and fundamentalism were significant forces that greatly influenced the life and theology of North American Mennonites during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. After World War II, the (Old) Mennonite Church began to make a significant shift away from fundamentalism. The Conservative Mennonite movement began in the 1950s in protest against the theological and sociological changes taking place in the Mennonite Church, particularly the loss of fundamentalist doctrines. This thesis traces the influences of fundamentalism as they were adopted early in the twentieth century by the Mennonite Church and came to fulfillment in the founding of the Conservative Mennonite movement. By looking at the history of the (Old) Mennonites in North America and the development of Protestant fundamentalism, this thesis provides a theological analysis of the influence of fundamentalism on the Conservative Mennonite movement.

Revivalism and fundamentalism were significant forces that greatly influenced the life and theology of North American Mennonites during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. After World War II, the (Old) Mennonite Church began to make a significant shift away from fundamentalism. The Conservative Mennonite movement began in the 1950s in protest against the theological and sociological changes taking place in the Mennonite Church, particularly the loss of fundamentalist doctrines. This thesis traces the influences of fundamentalism as they were adopted early in the twentieth century by the Mennonite Church and came to fulfillment in the founding of the Conservative Mennonite movement. By looking at the history of the (Old) Mennonites in North America and the development of Protestant fundamentalism, this thesis provides a theological analysis of the influence of fundamentalism on the Conservative Mennonite movement.

<p>The first decade of the 21st century in the United States has seen the emergence of a number of protest movements based upon politically conservative ideas, including opposition to affirmative action, undocumented migration, and national health care, among others. Conservative social movement organizations like the Minutemen and the Tea Party have had enormous influence over American politics and society. Conservative movements such as these present challenges to existing ways of thinking about social movements. Most social movement research has centered on so-called progressive movements, like the Civil Rights Movement, which are assumed to be organized by an oppressed population fighting for rights they have been denied historically. However, conservative movements do not appear to involve an oppressed population fighting for rights denied to them. It seems that actually the reverse may be true: conservative protesters tend to be members of privileged populations in contrast to oppressed. But if conservative protesters tend to be privileged instead of oppressed, why then are they protesting? What are their goals?</p><p> To fully answer these questions, we must look beyond existing social movement theory. The purpose of my research is to extend social movement theory, particularly Rory McVeigh's theory of power devaluation by using Blumer's theory of racial group position and Bourdieu's conceptualization of capital to explore the motivations of conservative movements and how they construct movement ideologies. This research explores the goals and ideology of two conservative movements, the anti-illegal immigration movement and the anti-abortion/pro-life movement. To examine these movements, I first performed an ethnographic content analysis of over 1000 articles and posts from movement organization web pages. Second, I conducted nearly fifty semi-structured interviews with movement leaders and participants. Finally, I examined over twenty hours of speeches given at rallies and protest events. </p><p> Consistent with McVeigh's power devaluation theory and Blumer's theory of group position, I found that these conservative activists are motivated by perceived threats to privileges claimed as proprietary rights by their movement groups. Anti-illegal immigration groups perceive threats to existing privileges associated with employment, social services, citizenship, and cultural issues such as language, while anti-abortion groups cite threats to American morality. Furthermore, these groups make proprietary claims to these privileges based upon restrictive identity formations. While anti-illegal immigration activists identify as "American," they constrain who qualifies as an American based upon factors such as language spoken, cultural behaviors, and citizenship of parents. Similarly, anti-abortion/pro-life activists identify as "Christian," but exclude many who would be identified as Christian in the broader population based upon criteria including opposition to abortion and sexual preference. They also claim American is a Christian nation. Following Blumer's group position theory, I also analyzed those individuals from which these groups feel threatened: migrants crossing the border without documentation and women who get abortions. I found that conservative activists portrayed these individuals in terms of perpetrators and victims, providing only mixed support for group position. Finally, I examined the goals of anti-illegal immigration and anti-abortion/pro-life organizations specifically looking at non-policy-oriented goals. Anti-abortion/pro-life organizations emphasize changing American culture as much or, in many cases, more than changing laws. While most anti-illegal immigration organizations stress education as a goal, whether this is for the purposes of policy change or cultural change is unclear.</p> / Dissertation

There is a great challenge to deal with psychid taxonomy due to the sexual dimorphism and conservative morphology of male. The genus Eumeta is widely distributed among Asia, Australia and Africa, with taxa resembling each other in morphological aspects. This historical confusion was originated from misidentification of type specimen and difficulty of specimen vouchering. Previous studies also recorded Eumeta of Taiwan, but taxa still uncertain actually. In present study, reared specimens were used to acquire morphology of different development and larval case style, and corroborated each other with barcode of life. As the results, Eumeta minuscula and E. variegata were confirmed in Taiwan. A highly variation of male morphology with genitalia asymmetry were described. Additionally, the male 8th tergite and sternite were suggested valuable for species identification. Having examined the type series specimen and original description, 13 species distributed in orient were grouping. Except E. minuscula and E. crameri were smaller and identifiable, a mass of ambiguous species included E. variegata, E. maxima, E. layardi, E. japonica, E. pryeri, E. sikkima, E. wallacei, E. javanica, E. wallacei var. bougainvillea, E. formosicola and E. kiushiuana were defined as E. variegata species-complex, and then revised this complex mainly with Taiwanese specimens. Due to the morphological variety of whole examination involving with those of Taiwan, 8 species were treated as junior synonym of E. variegata, excluding E. japonica, E. javanica and E. kiushiuana that remain undetermined because the types have not examined. Preliminary result of molecular work also supported this treatment as well, except an individual of China (Yunnan) that more information is needed.

Project Thesis (D. Min.)--Denver Conservative Baptist Seminary, 1988. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 178-182).

Thesis (M.R.E.)--Conservative Baptist Theological Seminary, 1962. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [64]-66).

This project continues the tradition of scholarly attention to the social service activities of African-American religious organizations. Analysis of data from the 1998 National Congregations Study reveals that African-American congregations are not more or less likely to support social services in general. They are, however, more likely to support certain types of programs. Specifically, these are programs in the areas of substance abuse, mentoring/tutoring, and non-religious education. Further analysis of NCS indicates that, among African-American congregations, theological conservatism is associated with a greater likelihood of supporting social service programs. This runs counter to existing assumptions about theological conservatism, which has previously been associated with a focus on "other-worldly" concerns, such as getting into heaven. As such, theological conservatism has never been thought to encourage concern over "this-worldly" issues such as poverty, homelessness, and other social problems that are part of the social service realm. While these assumptions about theological conservatism hold true for non-African-American congregations, the same cannot be said for African-American congregations. This project attempts to figure out why this is the case. Does theological conservatism mean something different in African-American congregations than what it does in other congregations? If so, what are these different meanings?To answer these questions, the project includes nineteen interviews with key informants, such as ministers, priests, or other staff people/leaders, from local religious congregations in a mid-sized city in the southwestern U.S. Nine of the informants are affiliated with African-American congregations, and the other ten are affiliated with non-African-American congregations. The interviews establish the racial/ethnic composition, theological & political orientations (liberal, conservative, or in the middle) of each informant's congregation, as well as whether the congregation supports any social service programs. The interview data show the ways in which many of the stereotypes about theological conservatism do not apply to African-American, theologically conservative congregations. Many of the interviewees from African-American, theologically conservative congregations emphasize the importance of relationships and community in ways that the non-African-American theological conservatives do not. This explains why these African-American congregations are more likely to support social service programs, unlike other theologically conservative congregations.

Thesis (M.A.)--Cincinnati Bible College & Seminary, 1997. / Abstract and vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 408-432).