The main objective of this thesis was to investigate the proposition that moral emotions act as antecedents of political attitudes. My approach (Chapter 1) stems from moral foundations theory, which proposes that liberals and conservatives have different moral values (Graham, Haidt, & Nosek, 2009). Chapter 2 presents Study 1, an experimental test of the hypothesis that induced disgust leads participants to adopt more left-wing economic attitudes in comparison to a control condition (sadness). Results supported this hypothesis. Chapter 3 reviews emotion-regulation theories, and presents Study 2, which investigated whether emotion-regulation strategies, disgust sensitivity (DS-R), and private body consciousness (PBC) moderate the effects found in Study 1. As predicted, disgust led to more left-wing economic attitudes, but this was only the case for high-PBC and high-DS-R participants. Chapter 4 presents Study 3, which replicated Study 2, and showed dissociations between the effects of disgust on economic and social attitudes. Chapter 5 presents a cross-sectional investigation (Study 4) that tested for associations between the predisposition to experience disgust and both social and economic attitudes. As predicted, core disgust and pathogen disgust were associated with left-wing economic attitudes and these effects applied only to British participants, and not non-British participants. Chapter 6 presents Study 5 – an experiment investigating the relationship between disgust and prejudiced attitudes towards outgroups. Induced disgust led to more prejudiced attitudes towards a novel group than both sadness and neutral emotion. Chapter 7 is focused on two self-conscious moral emotions: guilt and shame. Study 6, presented in this chapter, found a positive association between guilt proneness and left-wing economic attitudes, and a relationship between shame proneness and social-conservative attitudes. Study 7 failed to reveal causal relationships between incidental guilt and shame and political attitudes. Chapter 8 presents the general discussion addressing limitations, implications, and future research directions.

The present study is an attempt to compare the performance of two competing models of economic development-- the conservative and radical models. The conservative model is represented by the Central American countries of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras; the radical model is represented by Cuba. The following chapters focus on a comparison of these models as they have manifested themselves in the Carribean basin. The analysis of the performance of the models is conducted by comparing socioeconomic variables of the countries representing the models. The study looks at the time period 1960 - 1980 which coincides with the adoption of the two models in the respective countries.

There is an ongoing debate among psychologists regarding the psychological factors underlying moral judgments. Rationalists argue that informational assumptions (i.e. ideological beliefs about how the world works) play a causal role in shaping moral judgments whereas intuitionists argue that informational assumptions are post hoc justifications for judgments made automatically by innate intuitions. In order to compare these two perspectives, the author conducted two studies in which informational assumptions related to ingroups and outgroups varied across conditions. In Study 1, political conservatives and liberals completed the moral relevance questionnaire while imagining they were in the US, Iran, or no specific country. Keeping in line with the predictions of the intuitionist perspective, the results showed that the judgments of conservatives and liberals did not significantly differ across conditions. Study 2 used a more in depth manipulation in which participants read a vignette about a government (US, Iran, or the fictional country of Kasbara) violating the rights of a minority group. As in Study 1, the results support the intuitionist perspective--the judgments of conservatives and liberals did not significantly differ across conditions. These findings play a small part in clarifying the role of informational assumptions in moral judgments.

Many U.S. conservatives view government mandates to reduce emissions of greenhouse gases as a threat to the economy of the developed world. Conservative think tanks have adopted a common rhetoric to instill doubt about proposed mandates in the minds of elected officials, the media, and the public. Using a survey of the websites of 14 conservative think tanks, this thesis analyzes counter-claims to global warming theory to identify rhetorical artifacts that typically characterize conservative responses to issues, and to show how rhetorical theory can help anticipate the nature of such responses. The research identifies unifying speech codes – such as ideographs and commonplaces – that provide the conservative movement’s appeal. The conclusion is that conservative counter-claims to global warming theory are an application of longstanding principles in a new and transformative way; and that the conservative movement is actually a “new social movement” as described by rhetorical theorists.

This thesis focuses on the evaluation of a conservative approach to the hallux valgus deformity. 21 people took part in the empirical study in which the changes were tracked. I worked with a group of women who exercised regularly and a control group. The regularly exercising group participated in a 3-month therapeutic program led by a physiotherapist. Each of the participants was properly examined at the beginning of the program and after three months, when the program finished. Each examination consisted of a kinesiologic analysis, a plantography footprint, a foot X-ray, a pain evaluation (the numeric scale was used) and filling out a scoring scale questionnaire of American Orthopaedic Foot and Ankle Society (AOFAS). The changes of pain of the MTP or IP toe joint, the development of foot arch, changes of the toe valgus angle according to the X-rays and the overall score achieved in the AOFAS questionnaire were statistically evaluated. The ability to isolate toe abduction, right posture of the foot, stability of the axial joints and other changes were followed as well. After comparing the results the conclusion of the study is that the three-months physiotherapist-led program weaken the pain of MTP/IP toe joint, rise the score achieved in the AOFAS questionnaire, improve the foot posture and the overall...

Title: Evaluation of the effect of conservative approach in the treatment of scoliosis Objective : The purpose of this thesis is to summarize scoliosis issue, natural history, causes, consequences and effectiveness of conservative therapy. Based on the critical literature review there was an intention to evaluate effects of physiotherapy intervention in the treatment of scoliosis and compare individual physical therapy approaches. Methods: This thesis is a descriptive analysis based on a literature review. Results: Based on the research paper only twelve articles met our criteria that address the effect of exercise to influence scoliosis and its consequences. The most commonly used conservative approaches included: Schroth concept, FITS, SEAS, SIR, Klapp-Cotrell concept, Vojta method, program of active self- correction and task- oriented exercise, forward head corrective exercise program, MedX Rotary Torso Machine and LTX 3000. Despite that fact, each approach showed some effect, it is not possible to say which approach is the most effective. Keywords: scoliosis, conservative treatment, Cobb angle, physiotherapy

Title: Flexor tendon pulley lesion as a most frequent injury in sport climbing Specification of the problem: This thesis is focused on the most frequent injury of the hand in sport climbing. It describes the mechanism of the injury and possibilities of conservative and surgical treatment according to the given guidelines in dependence on its relevance. Objectives: The aim of this thesis is the literary review of accessible literary resources from the field of anatomy, kinesiology and biomechanics of the hand and flexor tendon pulley in connection with a sport activity. Furthermore it is aimed on an analysis why is the flexor tendon pulley injury the most frequent injury in sport climbing, and on methods how to treat this injury in the most effective way from the beginning till the return to the full performance based on therapeutic guidelines created by Dr. Schöffl nad Dr. Hochholzer. This thesis should serve as a therapeutic manual for the Czech sport climbers suffering from this type of injury, which is generally very often underestimated and not treated sufficiently. Methods: This diploma thesis has descriptively-analytical character and is structured as a literary review. Keywords: tendon pulley, hand, sport climbing, physiotherapy, conservative treatment

Title: Comparison of Rehabilitation Procedures in the Operative and Conservative Approach to Manage Chest deformity in Children Aim: The aim of this thesis is to determine the efficacy of a conservative approach in the treatment of inverted chest and to compare the effect of therapy with the surgical approach. Methodology of thesis: At the beginning of this project, a total of 9 children and adolescents (n = 9) from 10 years to 21 years of age (mean 15 years), male and female (8: 1) participated. All participants were diagnosed with thoracic deformity of pectus excavatum, which was not indicated for surgery. At the beginning of the project, all probands passed an initial examination, which included an obtaining of anthropometric values using a pelvimeter and a tailor's meter, to assess the anthropometric index and chest circumferences during breathing. Subsequently, a rehabilitation instructions have been given to all participants and all participants have obtained a printed version of these exercises. Results: The results of this study show that in patients with pectus excavatum, the regular and long term exercises, can bring the expected positive results. Especially in subjective complaints, chest flexibility and postural improvement. The final effect of thoracic deformity changes after 3 months...

O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar como o Partido Conservador, o Partido Liberal e os artesãos, mobilizados pelos liberais, interpretaram e justificaram sua participação na Guerra Civil de 1851 na Nova Granada. O capítulo1sintetiza o desenvolvimento político do país, desde o fim do período colonial até o momento em que se desenvolve o conflito armado. O capítulo 2 debruça-se sobre a conjuntura granadina de meados do século XIX e apresenta a Guerra Civil de 1851, analisando a produção historiográfica a respeito do tema. Os três capítulos seguintes, que formam a segunda parte da dissertação, discutem as representações que as distintas forças políticas faziam de si mesmas, de seus adversários e da sociedade que os circundava. Um epílogo conclui a dissertação, dando particular destaque ao indulto concedido aos insurgentes conservadores após o desfecho da Guerra. / The goal of this dissertation is to analyze how the Conservative Party, the Liberal Party and the craftsmen, mobilized by the Liberals, have interpreted and justified their involvement in the Civil War of 1851 in New Granada. Chapter 1 summarizes the political development of the country, starting at the end of the colonial period until the moment when the armed conflict developed. Chapter 2 deals with the grenadine context during the mid-19th century and presents the Civil War of 1851, analyzing the historical production on the subject. The following three chapters, that form the second part of the dissertation, discuss the representations that different political forces made of themselves, their opponents and the surrounding society. An epilogue concludes the essay with particular prominence to the pardon granted to conservative insurgents, after the outcome of the war.

Le long processus de revendication de l’autonomie en Écosse était couronné de succès en 1997 avec le rétablissement d’un Parlement local. Aujourd’hui, à quelques années seulement de cet événement majeur, l'actualité s’intéresse déjà à l'organisation d’un référendum sur l’indépendance complète du pays qui se tiendrait prochainement. En politique, une semaine est décidément une longue période, comme l'affirmait l’ancien Premier ministre Harold Wilson. Mais est-ce une raison valable pour oublier le passé ? Qui s'intéresse, par exemple, aujourd’hui à un autre référendum écossais, celui de 1979 ? Celui-ci, en dépit de son échec "programmé" ne mérite pas le mépris des historiens car c’est à partir de ce "désastre" politique que le processus conduisant à 1997 tire sa force. Cette thèse est une analyse minutieuse de l'état d’esprit en Écosse et les facteurs divers et contradictoires incitant l'électorat écossais à l'enthousiasme, au désintérêt et à l'absentéisme lors du référendum de 1979. Elle cherche à comprendre comment une nation dont le sentiment identitaire est si fort n’a pas trouvé de point de ralliement dans un projet politique visant à lui donner plus d'autonomie. Elle analyse comment un gouvernement de gauche a cru nécessaire de proposer un projet de dévolution en opposition avec sa propre philosophie politique et qui l'a conduit à sa perte. Enfin, elle explore comment la "victoire" des opposants à ce projet de dévolution, et tout particulièrement le Parti conservateur britannique, pouvait si mal interpréter le vrai message de l'électorat écossais lors de ce grand rendez-vous manqué. Cette thèse invite les historiens à une meilleure appréciation de la notion de "défaite" en politique et rappelle l'importance parfois très complexe du rôle joué par le passé dans les choix identitaires présents et à venir du peuple écossais. / Scotland’s long road to self-government was crowned with success in 1997 when the parliament was re-established in Edinburgh. Today, within only a few years of this momentous event, political analysts have already turned their attention to a forthcoming referendum on complete independence. As a former Prime minister was once keen to point out “a week is a long time in politics”, but is it a valid reason for ignoring the past? Who today, for instance, is interested in another referendum, that of 1979? Despite its image of "programmed” failure, this historical event does not deserve the contempt it has received from historians for it is precisely from this “disaster” that the processes leading to 1997 can be traced. This thesis is a detailed analysis of the state of mind of the Scottish people and the various and contradictory factors which pushed them towards enthusiasm, disinterest and absenteeism during the referendum of 1979. It seeks to understand how a nation so imbued with the sense of its own identity was unable to support a political project aimed at giving it more control over its own affairs. It analyses how a left-wing government found it necessary to propose a project of devolution of its own powers which was in conflict with its own political philosophy and which ultimately led to its own self-destruction. Finally, it examines how the message sent by the Scottish people at the time of this great “victory” should have been so badly understood by the antis and in particular by the Conservative Party. This thesis invites historians to think more carefully about the notion of “defeat” in political terms and remember the importance and often complex role played by the past, and popular images of the past, in shaping the sense of belonging and identity in the present and determining the future choices of the people of Scotland.