This thesis investigates Australian and Canadian legislation that regulated women's reproduction in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century and offers some explanation for their enactment. At the turn of the twentieth century, Australia and Canada enacted a series of laws that were aimed at limiting the control women could exercise over their reproductive functions. From the 1880s through to the first decade of the twentieth century, legislation that prohibited the advertisement of contraception, regulated maternity homes as well as criminal laws that proscribed abortion were promulgated by Australian and Canadian parliaments. This thesis investigates why such legislative activity occurred and proposes that the initiation of these measures targeting abortion, infanticide and birth control cannot be disassociated from the highly gendered and racialised rhetoric resonating throughout the British Empire. Concern about racial integrity, heightened by a fear generated by the declining birth rate, promoted a climate in which exercising control over women's fertility was seen as warranted. White women's reproductive capabilities were a vital ingredient in keeping the settler colonies of Australia and Canada white and British — white women were expected, quite literally, to give birth to the nation. As this thesis shows, when women did not adhere to these expectations of maternity, the law was used in an attempt to monitor and regulate their reproductive activities.

This thesis investigates Australian and Canadian legislation that regulated women's reproduction in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century and offers some explanation for their enactment. At the turn of the twentieth century, Australia and Canada enacted a series of laws that were aimed at limiting the control women could exercise over their reproductive functions. From the 1880s through to the first decade of the twentieth century, legislation that prohibited the advertisement of contraception, regulated maternity homes as well as criminal laws that proscribed abortion were promulgated by Australian and Canadian parliaments. This thesis investigates why such legislative activity occurred and proposes that the initiation of these measures targeting abortion, infanticide and birth control cannot be disassociated from the highly gendered and racialised rhetoric resonating throughout the British Empire. Concern about racial integrity, heightened by a fear generated by the declining birth rate, promoted a climate in which exercising control over women's fertility was seen as warranted. White women's reproductive capabilities were a vital ingredient in keeping the settler colonies of Australia and Canada white and British — white women were expected, quite literally, to give birth to the nation. As this thesis shows, when women did not adhere to these expectations of maternity, the law was used in an attempt to monitor and regulate their reproductive activities. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

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In light of its past eugenic use, and its often irreversible nature, non-therapeutic sterilization, the result of which is to deprive an individual of his/her capacity to procreate, has always enjoyed a particular status and its use and legal status engendered debate, discussion and controversy. / The purpose of this dissertation is to determine under which conditions non-therapeutic sterilization can lawfully be performed under Canadian law. / Whereas the legality of non-therapeutic sterilization when voluntarily consented to by a competent individual is today established in all Canadian provinces, it appears that Quebec is the only province to allow non-therapeutic sterilization to be performed on an individual lacking through age and/or disability the necessary capacity to consent, common law provinces denying any beneficial aspects to the procedure. The law on involuntary non-therapeutic sterilization however lacks clarity, certainty and consistency, a legislative reform is therefore advocated.

The thesis will focus on prison privatization and the accountability that private prison companies should maintain to build and operate them. It starts by detailing the political history of the privatization of prisons, starting with the Reagan era and the legislation and ideologies that emerged from it, highlight the reasons and justifications the government gave to outsource its system of punishment. By examining the War on Drugs and Tough on Crime legislations, it will show the way that mass incarceration allowed private companies to develop a solid grasp on the criminal justice system, transforming prisons into a system of hyper incarceration, capitalization and expansion. Using Richard Harding’s book, Private Prisons and Public Accountability, the second chapter will then focus on the accountability that the private prison companies must maintain to effectively and acceptably punish lawbreakers. It will also examine the justifications of the criminal justice system and private prisons, using a utilitarian and retributivist lens. Finally, Chapter 3 will investigate the accountability of the world’s first and largest private prison company: the Corrections Corporation of America. By using its website, this chapter will investigate how the CCA’s claims line up with its actions and what that indicates about its accountability. In the end, with a solid understanding of the flaws of CCA and private prisons, the conclusion will then question the position of private prisons within American society, providing ways to improve the flawed system.

Surveillance studies suffer from a near-total lack of empirical data, partially due to the highly secretive nature of surveillance programs. However, documents leaked by Edward Snowden in June of 2013 provided unprecedented proof of top-secret American data mining initiatives that covertly monitor electronic communications, collect, and store previously unfathomable quantities of data. These documents presented an ideal opportunity for testing theory against data to better understand contemporary surveillance. This qualitative content analysis compared themes of technology, privacy, national security, and legality in the NSA documents to those found in sets of publicly available government reports, laws, and guidelines, finding inconsistencies in the portrayal of governmental commitments to privacy, transparency, and civil liberties. These inconsistencies are best explained by the risk society theoretical model, which predicts that surveillance is an attempt to prevent risk in globalized and complex contemporary societies.

Dans cette thèse, les problématiques de la modélisation et du contrôle robuste de l’attitude des grandes structures spatiales flexibles sont considérées. Afin de satisfaire les performances de pointage requises dans les scénarios des futures missions spatiales, nous proposons d’optimiser directement une loi de commande d’ordre réduit sur un modèle de validation d’ordre élevé et des critères qui exploitent directement la structure du modèle. Ainsi, les travaux de cette thèse sont naturellement divisés en deux parties : une partie relative à l’obtention d’un modèle dynamique judicieusement structuré du véhicule spatial qui servira à l’étape de synthèse ; une seconde partie concernant l’obtention de la loi de commande.Ces travaux sont illustrés sur l’exemple académique du système masses-ressort, qui est la représentation la plus simple d’un système flexible à un degré de liberté. En complément, un cas d’étude sur un satellite géostationnaire est traité pour valider les approches sur un exemple plus réaliste d’une problématique industrielle. / In this thesis, modeling and robust attitude control problems of large flexible space structures are considered. To meet the required pointing performance of future space missions scenarios, we propose to directly optimize a reduced order control law on high order model validation and criteria that directly exploit the model structure. Thus, the work of this thesis is naturally divided into two parts : one part on obtaining a wisely structured dynamic model of the spacecraft to be used in the synthesis step, a second part about getting the law control. This work is illustrated on the example of the academic spring-masses system, which is the simplest representation of a one degree of freedom flexible system. In addition, a geostationary satellite study case is processed to validate developed approaches on a more realistic example of an industrial problem.

This research investigated the effects of the media on attitudes toward police and fear of crime, while controlling for selected audience trait variables. A self-report questionnaire was administered to 351 students at East Tennessee State University. The survey consisted of demographic and audience trait variables. The survey also contained items that measured the respondants' media consumption. Respondents were asked, for example, which format they typically get news from (e.g., newspaper, television), how often they watch television, and how real they perceive crime related television to be. Multivariate analysis showed that demographic and audience trait variables explained more variance than did media-related variables.

As long as the public maintains staunch and unwarranted negative attitudes toward sex offenders, little hope remains for released sex offenders to successfully reintegrate into society. Therefore, it is in the interest of society that we understand the nature of views of sex offenders so that attempts can be made to promote maximal reintegration and preventing recidivism. To date no valid psychometric instrument exists that measures attitudes toward sex offenders. Therefore, the purpose of this project is to develop such an instrument that will accurately measure stigma associated with sex offenders. Unrotated Prinicipal Components Factor Analysis revealed a single interpretable factor comprised of 17 of the original 27 items with factor loadings of .4 or greater. Chronbach's Alpha Reliability Procedure (a=.88) indicates the SOAS is a valid instrument. The findings suggest possible uses of the SOAS in a variety of areas of sex offender rehabilitation, including treatment and reintegration programs.

FAITH NO MORE: WHY PEOPLE REJECTRELIGION. By Phil Zuckerman. New York:Oxford University Press, 2011. 240 pp. $24.95cloth.