The thesis deals with the problematics of institutional influence of an international organization (NATO), which is placed in the context of transformational processes of defence institutions of Armenia and Georgia reviewed as case-countries. The notion of defence institutions refers largely to ministries of defence and the national armed forces as key units of analysis that are exposed to multiple mechanisms and mods of external institutional influence, that of the Alliance. The objective of the study is to shed light on the dynamics of institutional cooperation between NATO and the case – countries and to highlight the underlying causes responsible for varying results of national compliance in a defined set of functional areas of defence common for Armenia and Georgia. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / Thèse en cotutelle avec l’Universität Bielefeld / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

It is often said that European Immigration Policy has been converged to civic integration policy, which requires immigrants to learn the culture, history, and language etc. of the host country. That trend of convergence is sometimes regarded as the European retreat from multiculturalism, and sometimes even as convergence to the assimilationism, and so called 'fortress Europe.' This doctoral thesis is aiming at attaining more sophisticated understanding of this phenomena, by conducting analyses both at the national level and European level. At national level, it challenges the common wisdom that civic integration basically aims at restricting migrants and tries to revalorize national citizenship, through comparative analysis of the Dutch and the German party politics at the stage of legislating key national civic integration policy. By doing so, it found that the diversity of national civic integration policy from liberal to restrictive. At the EU level, it challenges the assumption that the EU played a role in uploading national interests and promoted European convergence towards restrictive immigration policy. Through the analysis of each EU institution's attitude and their influence over national immigration policy. It tries to figure out the processes of negative Europeanization where the effects of EU laws and soft governance tools of the commission actually pre-emptively guide the national policy towards rather modest civic integration, and even prohibited national member states from adopting very restrictive policy at national level. From the combination of those findings, the thesis tries to propose new model of immigrant integration and citizenship acquisition, that is, 'phased integration model'. It interprets the convergence towards civic integration as institutionalization of immigrant integration path in each member states. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Le contrôle juridictionnel de la coopération intergouvernementale dans l'Union européenne a longtemps fait difficulté. Initialement, la mise à l'écart du juge a conditionné le recours à cette coopération organisée "dans" l'Union. Pourtant, chaque avancée des traités a entraîné un progrès du juge de l'Union et, dès l'origine, la coopération a donné lieu à la formation d'une jurisprudence significative. La coopération intergouvernementale dans l'Union constitue un terrain privilégié d'investigation, susceptible de contribuer à enrichir l'étude d'un processus, celui de la juridictionnalisation de l'Union. Loin de stériliser cette hypothèse, le traité de Lisbonne l'a confirmée et valorisée. L'analyse de la jurisprudence révèle l'existence d'un modèle de contrôle juridictionnel de la coopération intergouvernementale dans l'Union. Celui-ci repose sur le principe d'un contrôle. Forme d'aboutissement du processus, dont elle permet de saisir l'implantation et la portée, l'admission du principe au niveau constitutionnel marque aussi une nouvelle étape dans ce processus. Le juge de l'Union progresse au sein d'un système de contrôle, composé du juge national et de la Cour européenne des droits de l'Homme. Les interactions entre juges sont essentielles pour comprendre l'évolution de l'office du juge de l'Union. S'il est classique d'attendre d'un juge constitutionnel qu'il régule le système institutionnel et qu'il assure la protection des droits fondamentaux, les exigences matérielles et opérationnelles de l'action intergouvernementale contribuent au déploiement d'une fonction juridictionnelle ordinaire. Ces deux axes de travail, principe et fonctions, jettent un éclairage d'ensemble sur le modèle en construction et permettent d'appréhender dans toute sa complétude le processus de juridictionnalisation de la coopération intergouvernementale dans l'Union. / During a long time, the judicial control of the intergovernmental cooperation in the European Union remained a difficulty. Initially, the sideline of the judge conditioned the use of this cooperation, organised “in” the European Union. However, each step forward of the Treaties led to a progress of the judge of the Union and, from the very beginning, cooperation has resulted in the creation of a significant jurisprudence. Indeed, intergovernmental cooperation in the European Union constitutes a privileged field for investigation, which may contribute to enrich the study of a process, the process of judicialization of the European Union. Away from sterilizing this hypothesis, it was eventually confirmed and valued by the Lisbon Treaty. The analyse of the jurisprudence concerning the common foreign and security policy and the police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters reveals the existence of a model of judicial control over the intergovernmental cooperation in the European Union. This model is based on the principle of control. The admission of the principle, at the constitutional level, is a form of outcome of the process; it allows understanding the establishment and the extent of the process, as well as it materializes a new step in this process. The European judge evolves in a system of control, constituted by the national Court and the European Court of Human Rights. The judges’ interactions are essential in order to understand the evolution of the role of the European Union judge. Although it appears classical to expect from a constitutional judge that he rules the institutional system and that he ensures the protection of fundamental rights, the intergovernmental action material and operational requirements contribute to the deployment of an ordinary judicial function. These two axes of research, principle and functions, project a comprehensive highlight on the model under construction, and allow apprehending, in its entirety, the process of judicialization of the intergovernmental cooperation in the European Union.

The internationalisation of society over the last century has promoted the idea of a global community aspiring to common human rights and values. It is in this context of evolution of human rights that "child trafficking" was consolidated as an international legal category through the United Nations Palermo Protocol (2000). The majority of countries in the world have adapted this definition in their national law, and regional regimes have emerged, with the aim of harmonising legislation and fostering cooperation between states. However, 20 years after this effervescence in favour of anti-trafficking policies, we are largely faced with a failure: while many laws and public policies have been created, few children have been "rescued" from trafficking. Even less in a sustainable way. This raises the question of what is at work for these "victimized" children, as they become subjects of governance and objects of control. What effects does the legal norm of child trafficking, and the policies and institutions that flow from it, have on the children they are supposed to protect?Drawing on research conducted in the European Union and the Association of South-East Asian Nations, the results of this research suggest that child traffickees are caught in cycles of increasing vulnerability, with little hope of escaping from them in the current state of affairs. Indeed, the economic, political and social structures on which our institutions are based produce structural violence against these children, even though they are targeted by protective measures. Paradoxically, the governments and international bodies that are most active in eliminating child trafficking are also the most powerful drivers of the system that produces the machinery of structural violence and child trafficking. Part 1 of the thesis examines the construction of the child trafficking norm. How do governance structures at the international, regional and national levels constitute, support and disseminate the norm of child trafficking (Section 1)? We will analyse the construction of an international prohibition system based on multiple legal categories and old and disparate moral, political and social norms (Chapter 1). While “child trafficking” is generally read as a norm with fixed content with minimal variations related to the legal context, we argue here that the complexities and subtleties of the norm and the policies that flow from it can only be understood when child trafficking is seen as a cluster of norms. This cluster is subject to adaptations by international, transnational, regional and local actors, who make it an object of negotiation and cooperation, constantly transforming the boundaries of the concept as they use it (Chapter 2).As such, discourses, institutions, and the performances of stakeholders have a determining importance in the constitution of the child trafficking apparatus. Part 2 therefore seeks to examine what happens to trafficked children when, in the name of their protection, they become subjects of governance. Through an analysis of specific the two apparatus that govern anti-trafficking - migration and protection - we will demonstrate the mechanisms of structural violence at work and the inherent contradictions that block effective protection of trafficked children (Section 2). Drawing on Foucaultian analyses of biopower, Chapter 3 will show the functioning of mechanisms that ”let die” child victims of trafficking within the protection system. Despite the existence of elaborate protection systems to protect minors from all forms of exploitation and abuse, in the case of child victims of human trafficking, it must be noted that the system is often powerless to lift them out of these situations, even often unwittingly increasing their vulnerability (Chapter 4). Section 3 examines the role of the private sector in the dynamics of child trafficking, whether as a trafficking actor or as a partner of public authorities through the delegation of anti-trafficking powers. These migrant children are caught up in global migration flows, largely orchestrated according to North-South distributive logics, which are partly linked to production models. Some trafficked children are caught up in these market logics, and at the same time are confronted with a criminalisation of migration, which places them in a doubly victimizing position (chapter 5). In order to be effective in combating child trafficking, an increasing number of countries are moving from incentive systems (e.g. the UN Global Compact) to legal frameworks that require companies to take part in anti-trafficking policies in their production chains. Some initiatives are promising, and progress is to be welcomed at the level of " Tier 1 " providers in some MNEs (Chapter 5). However, further down the supply chains, there is evidence of a levelling down or even a risk of accelerated operations due to "blue washing" practices and increased pressure being transferred to suppliers (Chapter 6).The thesis concludes that there is structural violence against exploited children in the EU and ASEAN by the very institutions dedicated to their protection. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La façon dont elle est utilisée ou valorisée par les groupes humains donne à la ressource en eau son statut d'enjeu géopolitique. La ressource en eau acquiert son statut d'enjeu au niveau des relations intergouvernementales, mais également à l'intérieur des administrations publiques. Une lecture multi-scalaire est donc nécessaire. Dans le bassin du Mékong les différents acteurs de la scène hydropolitique se font les avocats de différents projets pour le fleuve, et du rôle que la ressource en eau doit y jouer. Cette valorisation s'appuie autant sur des éléments objectifs que sur des représentations. Le statut et la valeur de l'information hydrologique reflètent cette diversité. Cette recherche montre que l'analyse des conditions de production, de gestion et de partage constitue une clef d'entrée et un outil pour l'analyse des situations hydropolitiques - à différentes échelles spatiales et institutionnelles. Précisément: reconstruire l'économie de l'information hydrologique permet d'identifier les acteurs, les enjeux et les processus de l'hydropolitique. L'étude du fonctionnement de la Commission du Mékong (MRC) confirme cette portée opératoire de l'information hydrologique.