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This study argues that the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy is a constrained agent of Europe’s foreign policy. The 2009 Lisbon Treaty reform created the remodelled version of the High Representative of the Union as a potentially powerful agent to represent and coordinate Europe’s foreign policy. However, the analysis shows how and why the member states granted only limited discretion to the new foreign policy actor during the first years of the post’s existence. The aim of the study is to reveal the conditions of discretion of the High Representative. With the use of a principal-agent (PA) approach, the study shows that conflicting preferences of the member states, tight control mechanisms, as well as inadequate cooperation with the European Commission limited the High Representative’s room for manoeuvre. The findings suggest that the PA approach can be developed further in the future in order to better explain limited discretion of agents in matters of foreign policy. Based on the findings, the study also puts forward a number of characteristics of a ‘constrained agent’. It is suggested that the post of High Representative has the potential to emancipate from its status of a constrained agent over time, and to gain credibility as a foreign policy actor.

prfce v anglick6mjazyce Changesin CFSPin the Lisbon Treaty Europe's aspiration to gain position of important player in the international relations goesalong with the origins of the Europeanintegrationprocess.Common foreign and securitypolicy (CFSP)and its predecessor,Europeanpolitical cooperation,arevery important partsof the Europeanintegrationprocess.Lisbon Treaty shouldhavehelped the Union to build more effective and coherentfunctioning in general.That is why I decidedto elaboratea thesison thetheme,,Changesin CFSPin theLisbonTreatf'. The purposeof my thesisis to analyzethe most significantchangesin the CFSpthat wasintroducedby theLisbonTreaty. The thesis is composedof eight main chapters.The first one is introductory and containsthreemain hypothesisthat needto be answered.The secondchapterfocuses on main aspectsof CFSPfrom thehistoricalperspective. Chapterthree and four are dealing with the problem that the aims are not laid down specifically for CSFP,but generallyfor the externalaction, andtry to make systematic enlistmentof CFSParea. Chapterfour showsthat CFSPis still seperatedandhasspecialpositioneventhoughit is not saidsodirectly.We cansaywe havetwo-pillar structure. In chapter five it is written about the fact that the Union is finally grantedwith the legalpersonalityin theLisbonTreaty....

Sanctions within the EU's Common Foreign and Security Policy The purpose of my thesis is to analyse the EU sanctions legislation, with the focus on the most problematic part - sanctions against non-state actors relating to the fight against terrorism. Within this objective I also focus on the analysis of relevant case law, in particular the latest developments at the Court of Justice, which has not yet been sufficiently reflected in the literature. The reason for my research is the intriguing development the application of sanctions has gone through in the EU, regarding the case law and the changes introduced by the Lisbon Treaty. The thesis is composed of five chapters. Chapter One is introductory and defines the term international sanctions and the context of their adoption at the UN level. Chapter Two examines the Common Foreign and Security Policy, which is the tool EU uses for the sanctions application. Chapter Three thoroughly analyses the relevant provisions of the primary law. First part of the chapter focuses on the pre-Lisbon legislation for its importance for the EU case law. Second part provides a detailed insight into the primary law provisions after the Lisbon Treaty and focuses on the latest Court of Justice decision concerning the application of articles 75 and 215 SFEU. Chapter...

FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY OF THE EU WITH REGARD TO THE LISBON TREATY Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) of the European Union (EU) is from its beginnings to the present time the area that is evolving very slowly with regard to other EU policies. It is a sensitive political issue, traditionally understood as a part of national sovereignty. That is why it has always been facing the reluctance of Member States to limit their powers in this area in favour of the Union. Union is constantly criticised for the lack of consistency of its external actions. Member states feel that it is necessary to "speak with one voice", if they want to have chance to be a legitimate partner to the world powers. It leads to slow enhancing of cooperation in the CFSP matters. Lisbon Treaty entered into force on the 1st December 2009 and brought many changes in the functioning of the EU. The aim of the thesis is to analyse the CFSP and the changes introduced by this Treaty without mentioning European Security and defence Policy. The thesis is divided into 5 chapters, each of them dealing with different aspects of CFSP. Chapter One is introductory and defines basic terminology used in the thesis and the context of external relations of the EU in order to explain the position of CFSP within EU policies. Part of this chapter is...

The misappropriation sanctions refer to the European Union sanctions adopted against foreign kleptocrats to address the suspected theft of public funds. After the regimes had been successfully overthrown in the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt in 2011 as well as the Maidan Revolution in Ukraine in 2014, the misappropriation sanctions were imposed, in all three cases, as the ousted leaders and their close associates were suspected of stealing vast amounts of public funds from their respective countries and hiding the misappropriated funds overseas. The misappropriation sanctions take the form of asset freezes against individuals considered being responsible for “misappropriation of state funds”. The sanctions in question have been extensively reviewed by the Court of Justice of the European Union as numerous of the targeted individuals have applied for annulment of the sanctions in the parts that concern them. The purpose of this thesis is to examine, on the basis of the case law of the CJEU, the threshold for legitimate listing of a targeted individuals in the misappropriation sanctions. It is concluded that threshold vis-à-vis the criteria or the listing grounds must be regarded as reasonable, while the threshold concerning the respect of fundamental rights is creating a heavy burden to bear.

The purpose and main thesis of this study is to analyze the motivations for the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) over time. By examining annual reports from the Office of the High Representative of Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on the CFSP, ranging from 2009-2017, the aim is to investigate whether the EUs increased security cooperation is motivated by arguments expressing a common European identity, or by arguments supporting pragmatic cooperation between member states. Theoretically, this study relies on the perspectives Neofunctionalism and Intergovernmentalism to interpret the results and to contribute to the research fields of international relations and in particular European Union studies. Hypothetically, the reports were expected to either favor common identity arguments or pragmatic arguments over a course of time. The results show there was no clear change in motivation in either direction. In conclusion, no empirical evidence of further EU integration was discovered. Ideas of future research and the implications of the result are discussed at the close of the study.

In the spring issue of WeltTrends, Gunther Hellmann (Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe- Universität Frankfurt a. M.) sparked a debate on Germany’s foreign policy. He argued that Germany’s international behaviour is dominated by a Realpolitik policy generally referred to as "normalization". For Hellmann this transformation indicates "the deepest crisis of German foreign policy" ever. Hellmann proposes a rehabilitation of the tradition of the Bonner Republik and an active Idealpolitik.<br><br> This summer issue of WeltTrends features eleven articles written in response to Hellmann by International Relations scholars. The debate focuses on analytical as well as normative aspects of current German foreign policy. The authors discuss the context of the European Common Foreign and Security Policy, the international system and the United Nations, historical aspects of German foreign policy and the German foreign policy discourse. While some contributors share Hellmann's idealist position, most challenge his plea from a more realist perspective. In the upcoming fall issue, this debate will be continued with contributions by German foreign policy makers. A final reply by Hellmann will complete the debate in the winter issue of WeltTrends.<br> Contributions by: Franz Ansprenger, Stephan Böckenförde, Wilfried von Bredow, Sabine Busse, Edwina S. Campbell, Hartmut Elsenhans, Hans J. Gießmann, Werner Link, Carlo Masala, Hanns W. Maull, and Siegfried Schwarz.

In the spring issue of WeltTrends, Gunther Hellmann (Johann-Wolfgang-Goethe- Universität Frankfurt a. M.) sparked a debate on Germany's foreign policy. He argued that Germany’s international behaviour is dominated by a Realpolitik policy generally referred to as "normalization". For Hellmann this transformation indicates "the deepest crisis of German foreign policy" ever. Hellmann proposes a rehabilitation of the tradition of the Bonner Republik and an active Idealpolitik.<br><br> This summer issue of WeltTrends features eleven articles written in response to Hellmann by International Relations scholars. The debate focuses on analytical as well as normative aspects of current German foreign policy. The authors discuss the context of the European Common Foreign and Security Policy, the international system and the United Nations, historical aspects of German foreign policy and the German foreign policy discourse. While some contributors share Hellmann's idealist position, most challenge his plea from a more realist perspective. In the upcoming fall issue, this debate will be continued with contributions by German foreign policy makers. A final reply by Hellmann will complete the debate in the winter issue of WeltTrends.<br> Contributions by: Franz Ansprenger, Stephan Böckenförde, Wilfried von Bredow, Sabine Busse, Edwina S. Campbell, Hartmut Elsenhans, Hans J. Gießmann, Werner Link, Carlo Masala, Hanns W. Maull, and Siegfried Schwarz.

21 Mitgliedstaaten der EU sind heute gleichzeitig auch Mitglieder der NATO. Das geografische und politische Europa ist, bis auf wenige Ausnahmen, von Staaten besetzt, die zumindest einer dieser Organisationen angehören. Die verteidigungspolitische Organisation NATO trifft auf das politische System EU mit wachsendem sicherheitspolitischem Anspruch. Vor diesem Hintergrund werden verschiedene Aspekte der Kooperation zwischen diesen beiden Organisationen näher beleuchtet.