Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)--University of Hong Kong, 1990. / Also available in print.

The production of China’s new urban spaces is an important articulation of China’s local state transformation and evolving state-society relations. Previous studies have utilized theories of the entrepreneurial state and corporatism to examine the role of the Chinese state and China’s state-society relations. The entrepreneurial characteristic and direct involvement in productive and profitable activities of the Chinese state are widely analyzed. And state corporatism helps explain how the Chinese Party-state deals with new social strata, such as private entrepreneurs, through state imposition, sponsorship and co-optation. In both fields, the organizational adaptation of the Communist Party of China (CPC) per se to the changing social stratification structure, industrial structure and urban spatial structure plays a key role in undertaking entrepreneurial local governance and imposing control over China’s new social spaces. This thesis is based on an in-depth case study of Ningbo’s state-led urban redevelopment from 2000 to 2011, the two representative projects of which are Tianyi Square and the Laowaitan. Ethnographic fieldwork and documentary research were conducted as the major methods of data collection. The two urban redevelopment projects were undertaken by the Ningbo Urban Construction Investment Holdings Co., Ltd. (NBUCI), a local state-owned enterprise group specifically committed to strategic urban development projects and provision of municipal public utilities designated by the Ningbo Municipal Government. The Ningbo government significantly facilitated the two projects through high-profile promotional campaigns in an entrepreneurial manner. These phenomena represent state entrepreneurship of Ningbo’s Party-state agencies in Ningbo’s urban redevelopment. In the governance of Tianyi Square and the Laowaitan, “territorialized Party-building” is undertaken in office buildings and business districts, and within private enterprises and new societal organizations. Organizational adaptation helps the CPC to consolidate its membership basis and expand its organizational control over the economic resources and talents in the non-state sector. The concept of “entrepreneurial Party-state” is thus proposed to highlight the “Party dimension” in China’s entrepreneurial urban governance. And in the context of inter-district competition, territoriality has become central to authoritarian corporatist state-business intermediations and policy concertation, which is committed to forging the identity and promoting the interests of certain urban territories, and the subtle power struggle between the NBUCI on behalf of the Ningbo municipal authority and the district-level authority governing the territory of the Laowaitan area. The concept of “territorial corporatism” is thus proposed to articulate the territorial dimension in China’s changing state-business relations in China’s entrepreneurial urban governance. This research provides new cases of state entrepreneurship, Party-state adaptation and state corporatism taking place in the domain of urban redevelopment and urban governance, which in turn lead to new theorization of the Chinese Party-state and China’s state-society relations at the local level in urban China. The directions for future research on Party-state adaptation and territorial corporatism in relation to urban governance in urban business districts are also identified, which necessitates comparative studies of more cases in different localities in urban China. / published_or_final_version / Sociology / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

Thesis (doctoral)--University of Stockholm. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 217-253).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Carleton University, 1988. / Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii, 1990. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 298-311).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 1994. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 253-272).

Thesis (doctoral)--Uppsala universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 1989. / Added t.p. with thesis statement and abstract in English inserted. Summary in English. Includes bibliographical references (p. 139-147).

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this study the aim is to examine what the impact of the imbalance in the power dynamics between the state, business and labour is on corporatist institutions in South Africa and South Korea. In both countries, the corporatist institutions have failed to bring the actors together and to resolve the various issues as these institutions were expected to do. When looking at the establishment of corporatist institutions in the two countries it is clear that the state had to incorporate the interests of labour in their decision-making process due to the increasing power of labour during the democratisation process. However, the current situation proves that the corporatist institutions in South Africa and South Korea have faced various problems. Therefore why the corporatist institutions in the two countries have not functioned properly is explored in this study. It was found that labour has been placed at a disadvantage compared to the state and business. The influence of labour as an agenda setter and a representative of labour has diminished. On the other hand the state and business, which used to form a coalition under the authoritarian governments, have started gaining power along with globalisation. The adoption of neo-liberal economic policies, has resulted in the fragmentation of labour, generating unemployment and irregular jobs. The imbalance of power between the actors has negatively affected the corporatist institutions. Under the circumstances, the corporatist institutions did not ensure that the voice of labour was heard and heeded. Instead of using corporatism, labour in South Africa tends to use the tripartite alliance in order to advance its interests. Labour in South Korea is likely to use mass action, and this tendency prevails in South Africa as well. Also, the corporatist institutions have been criticised due to their lack of accountability and institutional problems; this has negatively affected their credibility. The corporatist institutions have become little more than names. In the cases of South Africa and South Korea, corporatism seems to have been adopted as a mere crisis response when the two countries faced political economic crises and it is seen as another control mechanism created by states experiencing democratisation. Furthermore, the imbalance in the relationship between actors negatively affected the corporatist institutions and in the end they collapsed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie word die impak van die magsbalans tussen die staat, sakesektor en georganiseerde arbeid op korporatisme in Suid-Afrika en Suid-Korea ondersoek. In beide gevalle het die korporatiewe instellings nie daarin geslaag om die nodige konsensus tussen die drie sleutel akteurs te bewerkstellig nie. As gevolg van demokratiseringsprosesse in beide state, en die toenemende invloed van arbeid, was die staat verplig om die belange van arbeid in besluitnemingsprosesse in ag te neem. Die korporatiewe instellings in Suid-Afrika, nl. NEDLAC en die KTC in Suid-Korea staar egter verskeie probleme in die gesig, Waarom die korporatiewe instellings nie behoorlik gefunksioneer het nie, word in die studie onder die loep geneem. Arbeid het in ‘n onderdanige posisie jeens die staat en die sake sektor te staan gekom aangesien die invloed van georganiseerde arbeid as ‘n agenda skepper en verteenwoordiger van arbeid afgeneem het. Aan die ander kant het die aanvanklike koalisie tussen die staat en die sakesektor gedurende die outoritere periodes - voor demokratisering - weer eens verstewig as gevolg van die invloed van globalisering. Namate neo-liberale ekonomiese beleide nagevolg is, het die vakbond beweging al meer gedisintegreer, werkloosheid het toegeneem en gelei tot werksgeleenthede wat al meer tydelik en ongereguleer is. Die ongelyke magsbalans tussen die rolspelers het die korporatistiese instellings negatief beinvloed. Onder die omstandighede, kon die korporatistiese instellings nie daarin slaag om aan die stem van arbeid gehoor te gee soos wat gehoop is nie. In plaas daarvan om dus van die korporatistiese instellings gebruik te maak, het arbeid in Suid-Afrika eerder van die vakbond beweging se rol in die regerende alliansie gebruik gemaak om beleid te probeer beinvloed. Arbeid in Suid-Korea, soos in Suid-Afrika, is ook meer geneig om van massa aksie gebruik te maak. Daarbenewens is die korporatiewe instellings daarvan beskuldig dat hulle nie deursigtig is nie en gebuk gaan onder institutionele gebreke, wat die geloofwaardigheid van die instellings ondermyn het. In die Suid-Afrikaanse en Suid-Koreaanse gevalle blyk dit dat korporatisme bloot as ‘n soort ‘krisis reaksie’ tot ekonomiese en politieke probleme ontwikkel het – in samehang met demokratisering - en nie as diepgaande beieldsprosesse in eie reg nie. Die gebrek aan ‘n magsbalans tussen die drie rolspelers het daartoe gelei dat die korporatiewe instellings in beide gevalle effektief tot niet gekom het.

Thesis (M.A.), Memorial University of Newfoundland, 2000. / Bibliography: leaves 111-114.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, Berkeley, 1990. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 264-271).