Univerzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd / Smetanovo nábřeží 6, 110 01 Praha 1 info@fsv.cuni.cz, tel: 222 112 111 www.fsv.cuni.cz V Praze dne 09.06.2021 Jméno a příjmení studenta: Stefanie Schmidt Identifikační číslo studenta: 80760757 Identifikační číslo studia: 486229 Jazyk práce: angličtina Název práce v jazyce práce: Terrorist Attacks as "Policy Windows": A Discourse Network Analysis of German Parliamentary Debates Název práce v českém jazyce: Teroristické útoky jako politické příležitosti: Diskurzivní analýza německých parlamentních debat Vedoucí práce: PhDr. Vít Střítecký, M.Phil., Ph.D. Oponent práce: prof. Volker Schneider, Dr. Abstract in English is not available.

Despite claims that state terrorism has been more of a problem than the insurgent variety, the evidence provided by both a content analysis of bibliographies on the topic of terrorism and the opinions of a great number of academics suggests that there is a far smaller amount of academic literature on state terrorism than there is on insurgency terrorism. In addition it has been noted that the literature on state terrorism, like that on terrorism generally, suffers from a lack of work on the definition of the term. Whilst it is difficult to think of any author who has methodically applied a definition to the actions of a particular actor in order to assess whether each constitutes an act of terrorism. This thesis attempts to address each of these issues. However before doing either of these things it attempts to show that the suggested reasons as to why the State cannot commit acts of terrorism can be at least questioned, whilst simultaneously showing that some authors believe that state terrorism has produced far more victims and than the sub-state variety. Then after revealing the explanations for academia's neglect of state terrorism the thesis investigates the notion of (substate) terrorism in order to identify its core meaning, before attempting to incorporate this into a 'comprehensive' definition of terrorism which would enable the political analyst to identify acts of state terrorism committed within the area of the state's jurisdiction and abroad. This definition, along with other definitions of terrorism taken from both the literature and legislation, are then tested by being applied to the 'counter-terrorist' activities of Israel, form which concluding comments on each and the general notion are made. The decision to concentrate solely upon counter-terrorist actions can also be seen to be addressing a gap in the literature, as can the choice of a Western state. The application of various definitions of state terrorism to the counterterrorist actions of Israel within Israel, the administered West Bank and abroad, therefore means that this area provides a novel testing ground for any definition. By examining the issue of state terrorism the thesis aims to raise, if not answer several important questions and issues surrounding the concept of state terrorism. In addition to illustrating the problems facing the production of any definition of the word 'terrorism' such an examination will hopefully illustrate the problems of applying any definition of terrorism. Finally the thesis aims to further the cause of knowledge by accurately describing the legalities of various aspects of Israel's counter-terrorist policies since Israel took over the administration of the West Bank in 1967. As well as using the existing literature this thesis contains both the quantitative and qualitative replies of 120 academics to a pointed questionnaire on the topic. Many of the results of this are scattered throughout the conceptual parts of the thesis including this introductory chapter, and all the quantifiable results and the sampling technique are described in Appendix A.

In this report, we demonstrate the applicability and value of the context mediation approach in facilitating the effective and correct use of counter-terrorism intelligence information coming from diverse heterogeneous sources.

In the past decade, the political world has seen a shift on the global institutions strategies on the fight against terrorism. The aftermath of the 9/11 launched an unprecedented fear over terrorist organizations and demanded immediate actions from global leaders. In this scenario, the cooperation among global institutions became necessary in order to formulate political strategies for counter-terrorism actions. Therefore, this research explores how the EU and ASEAN formulate their policies in the fight against terrorism with a main focus on the comparative analysis between these two organizations. The thesis will aim to analyze the legal and the organizational structure in order to understand the main gaps and the developments that EU and ASEAN acquired by their counter-terrorism measures. Structurally, first some historical background on terrorism and on the agenda of the institutions will be provided in order to give some basic knowledge on the matter. Second, the author will describe the efforts fulfilled by the counter-terrorism agenda and finally, a comparative analysis will be conducted for a broader understanding of the policies to fight terrorist groups.

In the past decade, the political world has seen a shift on the global institutions strategies on the fight against terrorism. The aftermath of the 9/11 launched an unprecedented fear over terrorist organizations and demanded immediate actions from global leaders. In this scenario, the cooperation among global institutions became necessary in order to formulate political strategies for counter-terrorism actions. Therefore, this research explores how the EU and ASEAN formulate their policies in the fight against terrorism with a main focus on the comparative analysis between these two organizations. The thesis will aim to analyze the legal and the organizational structure in order to understand the main gaps and the developments that EU and ASEAN acquired by their counter-terrorism measures. Structurally, first some historical background on terrorism and on the agenda of the institutions will be provided in order to give some basic knowledge on the matter. Second, the author will describe the efforts fulfilled by the counter-terrorism agenda and finally, a comparative analysis will be conducted for a broader understanding of the policies to fight terrorist groups.

The purpose of this mini-dissertation is to analyse and establish the potential money laundering and terrorism financing risks and implications of virtual currencies on the prevalent South African regulatory and supervisory architecture. The South African financial system is exceedingly regulated and supervised to ensure that it is prudent and reputable, and to enhance the safety and soundness thereof. Recently, technological innovations and developments have created immense issues especially from a financial regulatory and supervisory perspective. Financial technology has produced mysterious phenomena such as blockchain, insuretech, crowdfunding and virtual currencies. Presently, virtual currencies, which will be the focus of this study, do not fall within the ambits of the South African financial regulatory or supervisory regime and have thus created a regulatory arbitrage. This poses a significant number of risks and implications to the South African context, namely tax evasion; crossborder illicit flow of funds; contravention of exchange control regulations; financial instability; monetary policy uncertainty; inaccurate economic statistics; non-reporting of balance of payment requirements; and money laundering and terrorist financing (ML/TF). The study aims to construct a clear description and categorisation of virtual currencies within a South African context. Secondly, the study will set out the risks and implications that virtual currencies pose to the South African financial system from a ML/TF perspective. Finally, the study will present a possible solution to close the current regulatory arbitrage presented by virtual currencies in the South African financial sector. / Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2019. / Mercantile Law / LLM Banking Law / Unrestricted

In the contemporary international system, non-state actors pose an acute threat to the interests of states. Transnational terrorism is a particularly notable example of the security threats that non-state actors pose. While the literature on international agreements has focused on state-level compliance, much of international law concerns the behavior of non-state entities such as terrorist groups, transnational crime organizations, corporations, and individuals. This study considers whether the international counter-terrorism regime developed over the past five decades has been effective at reducing transnational terrorism and consider the implications for the study of other instruments of international law which regard non-state actor behavior. Because these agreements establish clear benchmarks, they provide observable outcomes for donors that may want to give foreign aid, but are uncertain about whether aid recipients will use aid for its intended purpose. Agreements allow donors to condition aid allocation on benchmarks set by treaties, rather than observed levels of non-state behavior alone, increasing donor-recipient trust and capacity building aid flows. I find that countries ratifying counter-terrorism agreements see a significant increase in foreign aid receipts. I then assess the effectiveness of eight UN counter-terrorism conventions individually, using terrorism data germane to the type of terrorist activity the specific agreement attempts to curtail. I find support for the hypothesis that counter-terrorism agreements reduce transnational terrorism for five of the agreements in issue areas of terrorist bombing, kidnapping, hostage-taking, and financing. I conclude by discussing how the variation in effectiveness of counter-terrorism agreements found may help shed light on the design of effective international agreements when the locus of compliance is non-state actors and treaty design more generally. / text

EU has in the past years suffered from several terrorist attacks where over a hundred persons died only in the first half of 2017. As a response to these attacks EU has been provided, through recent treaties, with an increased number of tools to counter terrorism. This has raised questions regarding which actor shall provide the security for the citizens of Europe, the EU or the Nation state? The purpose with this study is to analyse the measures and strategies which the EU has been implementing between 2013-2017. Two main questions are formulated: To what extent are EUs measures and strategies between 2013-2017 characterised by hard and soft governance? How can these measures and strategies be understood from an integration perspective? This qualitative study is based on theories about hard/soft governance and on the theory of neofunctionalism. The results show an increasing use of hard governance methods in countering terrorism through a more supra-national approach. An increased integration took place partly because of a spillover effect and lack of belief in national solutions to the problem. However, the union’s member states still enjoy great influence in countering terrorism and they still have a big responsibility in protecting their citizens.

Terrorism is a multi-dimensional phenomenon that encompasses elements of politics, economics, social, and ideology, driving people to commit violent acts and become involved in such activity. As of today, the existence and latent threat of Islamist terrorism still inflict global society with formidable challenges, and one way to overcome such challenges is by leveraging our knowledge on the multi-dimensional, determining factors/elements that lead people to commit terrorist attacks and other radical-related activities. In other words, as our struggle against terrorism is a global endeavour that may last a generation or more, leveraging our knowledge on such multi-dimensional, determining factors/elements will increase our understanding of the underlying causes and patterns that continue to inspire jihadist terrorism. However, it is wrong to equate the religion of Islam with terrorism. Perhaps most importantly, the Islamic tradition is all-encompassing, combining religious and secular life and law. This surely complicates attempts to understand the Islamist ideology and counter-measures to it solely through the lens of traditional Western political science. Therefore, a distinction must be made between the religion of Islam and a set of often-conflicting political ideologies known as Islamism, where many forms of them are non-radical, reformists or gradualists. That is why, Islamist extremists who advocate acts of terrorism may be properly termed Islamist terrorists, who seek to cloth their acts in the trappings of the Islamic religion. In this case, they use their own religious-based arguments to justify their violent acts. This Ph.D. thesis examines the multi-dimensional factors that lead to the existence and latent threat of Islamist terrorism in Indonesia by focusing on the individuals who committed series of deadly terrorist attacks from 2002 – 2009 and some other radical-related activities in Indonesia until 2017. Such factors encompass at least the economic grievances, social grievances, political grievances, radical ideology, social network, state repression (“stick”), and government incentive (“carrot”), all which are the key variables in determining the existence and latent threat of Islamist terrorism. Through a systematic, multi-dimensional analysis using qualitative and quantitative research methodologies (including the social network analysis), this Ph.D. thesis will specifically examine what factors drove people with the association to Jemaah Islamiya (JI) and radical-Islamist movements to commit and become involved in terrorist attacks? and why and how might such factors/elements influence these people to commit terrorist attacks in the future? The combined qualitative, quantitative, and social network analysis in this Ph.D. thesis has proven and confirmed the main hypothesis, where the existence and latent threat of Islamist terrorism in Indonesia are indeed caused by the intertwining interaction of these multi-dimensional factors instead of being otherwise. The ideological-related variables followed by the social network-related ones are proven as the two most significant factors in the pattern of Islamist terrorism in Indonesia. In other words, the set of economic, social, and political grievances will not cause Islamist terrorism in Indonesia to occur if there are no intervening variables: the social network and radical ideology being involved in the equation. Subsequently, the other two moderating variables also play its own role, namely the state repression and the government incentive. According to various examinations of multivariate statistical analysis in this Ph.D. thesis, these two variables on their own will not cause the Islamist terrorism to occur in Indonesia, but when combined with the existence of social network and radical ideology, these two variables are proven as the moderating variables to exacerbate the occurrence of Islamist terrorism in Indonesia. In conclusion, by looking at this current pattern, it could be predicted that Indonesia herself is still likely to become both the producer and battlefield of global-Islamist terrorism in near future. Therefore, the Indonesian national counterterrorism policy and strategy need to be updated and well integrated with the Indonesian national policy and grand strategy to better address the existence and latent threat of Islamist terrorism in the archipelago.

Both security and human rights are important to all within the civilized world. Yet there are some serious tensions between the two political norms. For instance, it may not be easy for a state or the international community to reconcile well intentioned acts to maintain security and to preserve human rights. In the recent past, such a difficulty has been played out not only in the events, but also in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States. The result of the attacks, culminating in the massive loss of lives and property, has been in the adoption of various international treaties and domestic laws that have swiftly been enacted and deployed to counter terrorism, and the development of a concept of a state of “urgency” that appears to shadow the obligation to protect fundamental human rights, particularly the right to life under international law. This thesis thus focuses on the promotion and protection of fundamental human rights, particularly, the right to life with the subsequent declaration of the “war on terror” by the United States. The work targets the debate between security and human rights in the light of terrorism post 9/11, highlights the impact of choosing one ideal over another, and eventually rationing out a balance that would serve as a threshold for upholding standards in both security and human rights in the face of terrorism threats. Essentially, however, this thesis is hinged on the argument that to allow the ideal of security which apparently appears advantageous to a “continuing state of urgency” to overwhelmingly influence the implementation of counter-terrorism measures while paying no attention to the fundamental right to life would constitute a paradox in combating terrorism. I posit that the result of the above exercise, if chosen, implies more tragic consequences when implemented than the singular acts of terrorism in themselves. / Thesis (Master, Law) -- Queen's University, 2011-10-03 13:40:21.534