East Turkestan is a geographical term and refers to Xinjiang in China. East Turkestan independence movement aims to unite the races that speak Turkestan and believe in Islam and establish a political and religious East Turkestan republic. Since 1990, East Turkestan independence movement groups have launched all kinds of violent activities in and out of Xinjiang, seriously threatening Xinjiang¡¦s social stability and Chinese Communist government. As terrorism has spread around the world since 9-11 Event, Chinese Communist government has regarded East Turkestan independence movement as a term for terrorism. Through participating in the International Anti-terrorism league, Chinese Communist government suggests East Turkestan independence movement as a target for anti-terrorism. Meanwhile, international terrorism has not been ended by the International Anti-terrorism league led by the USA, and instead terrorism has continued to spread around the world. Since 9-11 Event, anti-terrorism has become an important mission for China due to its territory completeness and national security. China carries out anti-terrorism campaign due to its national interests in a domestic political sense as well as its national interests in an international political sense, such as interests of politics, security, economics, diplomacy, and so on. In order to cope with domestic and international anti- terrorism situations, China not only takes measures in policy, law, military, diplomatic cooperation and Olympic Games, but also dominantly establishes Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) , aggressively participating in international counter-terrorism ,having an equivalent position with Russia and USA in central Asia, creating a subtle relationship of cooperation and competiveness with these two superpowers in the aspects of counter-terrorism.

A diez años de los atentados terroristas ocurridos en Nueva York y Washington (11-S) resulta necesario hacer una lectura ética y política de los efectos globales que ha tenido dicho acontecimiento en áreas tan diversas como la seguridad nacional, la política exterior, la vigilancia, el discurso de los medios de comunicación, los ordenamientos jurídicos y las relaciones humanas en general. La mayoría de estos efectos deben leerse en clave securitaria ya que fueron justificados desde la Administración Bush para hacer frente a la amenaza de un nuevo enemigo: el terrorismo internacional de corte islámico fundamentalista. Aunque el epicentro de los cambios se encuentre en los Estados Unidos de América, éstos no tardaron mucho en ser exportados y aprovechados por otros Estados para avanzar en sus agendas políticas. Las consecuencias de esta cruzada global antiterrorista se han sentido sobre todo en el campo de los Derechos Humanos y las libertades civiles. / Passats deu anys dels atemptat terroristes que van tenir lloc a Nova York i Washington (11-S) resulta necessari fer una lectura ètica i política dels efectes globals que ha tingut aquest esdeveniment en àrees tant diverses com la seguritat nacional, la política exterior, la vigilància, el discurs dels mitjans de comunicació, els ordenaments jurídics i les relacions humanes en general. La majoria d’aquests efectes s’han de llegir en clau de seguretat, ja que van ser justificats des de l’Administració Bush per encarar l’amenaça d’un nou enemic: el terrorisme internacional de tipus islàmic fonamentalista. Tot i que l’epicentre dels canvis es trobi en els Estats Units d’Amèrica, aquests no van trigar gaire a ser exportats i aprofitats per altres estats per avançar en les seves agendes polítiques. Les conseqüències d’aquesta creuada global antiterrorista s’han deixat sentir sobre tot en el camp dels Drets Humans i les llibertats civils. / Ten years after the terrorist attacks in New York City and Washington D.C. (9-11) it is necessary to make an ethical-political evaluation of the global effects 9-11 has had on areas like national security, international politics, surveillance, mainstream media discourse, penal law and human relations in general. Most of these effects should be examined from a securitarian point of view because they have been justified by the Bush Administration to face the threat of a new enemy: international fundamentalist and Islamic terrorism. Even though the United States of America are the epicenter of these changes, most of them have been exported and exploited by other States. Most of the consequences of this global crusade against terrorism have been felt in the field of human rights and civil liberties.

At the start of his premiership UK Prime Minister, Tony Blair, spoke of ensuring that Britain continues with its proud history of multiculturalism by developing programmes to further integrate communities and reduce tensions resulting from immigration. Initially this programme was successful and many hailed the drive of New Labour in its desire to ensure that Britain sold itself as a welcoming place to call home. However, this celebration of success has been called into question over the first two decades of the new millennium following the seemingly steady increase in terrorist attacks and foiled attacks – many of which have been linked to British-born actors or immigrants to Britain. Thus, this study will call into question the extent to which the UKs multiculturalist approach has hit a stumbling block, positing that it is the change in approach to counter-terrorism through its Prevent programme that has led it to unlearn’ lessons from Northern Ireland and actively ensured a backward step through alienating the very communities it is trying to engage. It will examine the extent to which this seemingly more suspicious and divisive government-led approach alienates rather than celebrates cultural diversity, creating an environment ripe for radicalisation, in direct contrast to its aim, using Critical Discourse Analysis to show that the government’s approach from 2005 to the present day become entrenched as a result of the ‘new narrative’ of the ‘new age of terrorism’ and that this has led to a development of an ‘us’ versus ‘them’ approach which is not taking into account the necessary holistic approach to counter-terrorism, instead alienating Muslim communities and creating a hostile environment made worse by the permeation of suspicion from the general public who have bought into the narrative following more than a decade of its telling.

Major railway stations in England and Wales are highly networked and open locations, frequently crowded, and are vulnerable to criminal and terrorist activities. Successive Government policies and agendas have sought to lessen this susceptibility, by promoting the understanding of and the application of resilience and security measures. Thus, the complex stakeholders are responsibilised (Garland, 1996) and urged to integrate and merge resilience, crime prevention and counter-terrorism measures into their governance, and operational policies and agendas. The aim of this research is to determine and examine the interdependencies and boundaries of the multiple stakeholders within St Pancras International Railway Station (SPIRS), and to analyse how their governance, operational and legislative requirements, and agendas influence current and future resilience of complex Category A railway stations to human malign security threats. Through a unique single case study of SPIRS, qualitative data was collected from thirty-two stakeholder participants, sampled for their expert opinion and experience. Data was also collected via documents and observations. SPIRS interconnected and complex stakeholders were represented using stakeholder analysis and mapping to create an original and innovative map highlighting those who can influence and impact the resilience of the space to human malign security threats. From the thematic analysis of the data, the overarching themes exposed the resilience within SPIRS operates in an uncertain legal space, competing with disparate institutional processes creating a gulf between reality and rhetoric of the responsibilisation of resilience and security strategies. The blurred boundaries of responsibility and understanding of the resilience and security agendas within SPIRS created tension between the national and local level stakeholders. The research adds an original and novel contribution to knowledge, as through contemporary empirical evidence it has established the political rhetoric of responsibilisation (Garland, 1996) for resilience and security policies are inconsistent and contradictory with the reality of how these transpire in an ambiguous operational and legal space such as SPIRS. Regardless of the mapped interdependencies between the multiple stakeholders and their interconnecting operational and legislative obligations, there is a definite absence of a clear and united approach to resilience, with concerns being dealt with by multiple stakeholders and policies. The research has revealed the complications and disparities the complex and multiple stakeholders face implementing policy and subsequently institutional changes in a cohesive manner. The findings of the research necessitate transformations in established organisational procedures, thus ensuring these interdependencies are dealt with now to make certain the effectual incorporation and integration of agendas and strategies are unified, and which maintain the resilience of Category A railway stations and SPIRS for future generations.

This thesis examines the effects of cooperation within multilateral counter-terrorist fora on the process of preference formation of a selected group of Western countries: the United States, the United Kingdom and Italy. The analysis focuses on the global counter-terrorist regime, a set of complex and multifaceted institutional arrangements, which were developed in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001, attacks in order to harmonise state counter-terrorist responses worldwide. The study looks at three sets of formal international institutions within the regime: the United Nations, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and the European Union. It also selects a sample of three issue areas in multilateral counter-terrorist cooperation: counter-radicalisation policies, the inclusion of human rights safeguards within the main counter-terrorist sanctions provisions, and counter-terrorist financing standards. The thesis identifies as the visible symptom of institutional effects the progressive convergence of policy outputs at member state level, and proceeds with an exploration of the processes of regime creation, evolution, reform, and participation on the part of the three country case studies. The analysis reveals that the instances of pro-institution behaviour displayed by state actors are occasioned by image-related group-pressures, triggered by considerations of the maximisation of status markers and social praise, and the related avoidance of shame and social devaluation. The thesis labels this process social influence. The study further outlines the specific conditions under which interaction within a group can activate the social influence phenomenon and identifies the main triggers of state actors’ particular sensitivity to image and shame.

The aim of the dissertation is to analyse the concept of international terrorism in Africa from 1990-2004 at a continental level and then investigate the extent of measures developed to counteract this threat. The dissertation puts forward four assumptions to be explored and tested: <ul> <li>Africa’s unstable political, economic and social structures cause weaknesses within the continent which international terrorist organisations can exploit and use to their own advantage. </li> <li>Africa’s history of civil wars makes the continent an easy target for international terrorist organisations to garner support for their organisations. </li> <li>The current counter-terrorism policies and measures are not effective enough to deter international terrorism on the African continent, as in some countries there is still an ongoing struggle for political control. </li> <li>The “Global War on Terrorism” has played a supportive role in Africa’s counter-terrorism policies. </li> </ul> The analysis investigates why international terrorism occurs in Africa, and which factors facilitate this. To achieve its aim, the study focuses on aspects such as the historical background of international terrorism in Africa; the current international security and terrorist environment; the present African security environment; and international and continental counter-terrorist policies within Africa. This dissertation aims to illustrate the issues facing Africa in combating and curbing international terrorist activities on the continent. It describes attempts by international and continental organisations to develop measures designed specifically to establish counter-terrorist agencies and policies in Africa. / Dissertation (Master of Security Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

Biopolitics is a concept that, much like the apparatus it refers to, has kept evolving ever since Foucault coined its modern meaning in 1976. Its usage and interpretation have especially changed with the recent publication of The Birth of Biopolitics and Society, Territory, Population, books that helped expand its perceived field of application, specifically vis-à-vis the modern governmental rationales of neo-liberalism and, by association, neo-conservatism. In a separate development, the Western dispositif (apparatus) of biopolitics has undergone a dramatic transformation as a result of the terrorist attacks of 9/11, attacks after which, to quote Donald Rumsfeld, ‘everything changed’. My thesis takes both of these developments into account and provides a critical exploration of contemporary biopolitical US counter-terrorist measures. Emphasis is placed on a contextual juridico-political analysis that sheds more light on the complex interrelations between the relatively novel biopolitical dispositif and the classical legal dispositif of sovereignty. This is accomplished by a two-part empirical genealogical study that traces some of the pivotal judicial changes that have resulted from the counter-terrorist measures introduced in the wake of 9/11. It proposes that the PATRIOT Act, one of the primary legislative tools introduced after 9/11, is a distinctively ‘bio-legal’ document that allows for the integration of the biopolitical discourses of pre-emption, exception and contingency within the existing legal framework. I argue that this is a genuinely novel development that significantly alters the intersection of biopolitics, geopolitics and law. The second part of the empirical analysis presents a detailed interrogation of the legal disputes that involve the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay and, over the course of three key legal cases, shows that, even though the logic of biopolitics has now established a foothold within the US juridical system, the classical apparatus of Sovereignty still plays a decisive role in US governance. My key arguments are preceded and supported by an extensive overview of the notion of biopolitics, both as it was first introduced and developed by Foucault over the course of five publications, and as it is currently being used by key contemporary social theorists, especially insofar as this usage relates to the changes in Western politics after 9/11. Overall, the thesis provides a profound interrogation of the epistemic status of biopolitics, and it supplements this purely theoretical analysis with a detailed overview of how biopolitics and sovereignty interact in practice through the mechanism of the law, in the context of US counter-terrorist policies after 9/11.

The thesis focuses on comparison of strategies of the USA and the EU in the fight against global terrorism, thus since terrorist attacks committed on 11 September 2001. The aim of the thesis is to assess which one of the strategies offers more suitable longterm counter-terrorism tool. Confrontation of the strategies with current development of global terrorism is included to help to assess strengths and weaknesses of the strategies.

This thesis is focusing on counterterrorism policies that are used in Indonesia and Saudi Arabia. Because of the limited research on the counterterrorism in non-Western world, this thesis decided to contribute to this research and widen literature on this issue. It first introduces the term terrorism and analyses the counterterrorism models (criminal, war and disease models), which can be found mostly in Western literature. It includes critique of these models and attempt to create an alternative one, because it finds the current models unsuitable even for the Western counterterrorism policies. Besides that there is also introduction to other counterterrorism strategies such as terrorist financing and a subsection on deradicalization that is important part of counterterrorism as well. Then the thesis focuses on two parallel case studies of Indonesia and Saudi Arabia. It examines counterterrorism policies of both of them. The thesis first introduces the countries character, threats they are facing and attacks they have experienced and then analyses what measures are used to fight terrorism. After analysing all aspects of their counterterrorism efforts - legislature, cooperation, deradicalization, military methods etc., the alternative model is applied on each case to see if it is suitable for...

The aim of the thesis is to analyze the current state of policies proposed to address the issue of radicalization in Europe. More specifically, the thesis deals with the topic of the fight against radicalization through education. The paper highlights how security debate in Europe is changing the understanding of educational institutions and their role in anti-radicalization policies. In the past, states in Europe had to deal with various forms of violence caused by either separatist movements or other radical and extremist ideologies. Unfortunately, the problem of the occasional outbreak of violence has not been resolved yet in Europe. In relation to the theme of radicalization, the role of educational institutions is perceived as significant to counter the process. They are considered to be the main institutions able to support the social inclusion and critical thinking of students during the globalization and modernization of Internet technologies. For these reasons, educational institutions should be responsible for protecting European students and pupils and preventing them from being drawn to extremism. This work, however, points out that this understanding is not the only way promoted by governments to tackle radicalization through the sector of education. The role of educational...