L'action du Conseil de sécurité dans le cadre de la lutte contre le terrorisme a témoigné un énorme progrès. Ce progrès est matérialisé sur le double aspect normatif et institutionnel, engendrant une diversification des mécanismes de la lutte. La nécessité de le définir semble être dépassée au gré de son éradication et sa suppression vue sa mutation graduelle à travers le temps et la montée en puissance de ses acteurs. Le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies concentre son action sur les mécanismes de la lutte en accroissant son pouvoir normatif vers un pouvoir législatif le conférant des prérogatives considérables. Ensuite, dans le cadre institutionnel de l'ONU, il monopolise la mission du maintenir la paix et la sécurité internationales, en rendant l'activité de l'Assemblée générale résiduelle et facultative. Ce regain de ses prérogatives s'est reflété au sein des organes subsidiaires qu'il a mis en place, surtout après le 11 septembre 2001. L'amplification des mécanismes de la lutte contre le terrorisme s'est représentée, également, dans le cadre de la résurgence des concepts fondamentaux en droit international comme la légitime défense qui mettra en cause le concept de sécurité collective prévu vers la Charte par des ripostes militaires unilatérales dans l'objectif de lutte contre le terrorisme international / In his fight against terrorism, the action of Security Council has witnessed an enormous progress. This progress was seen on both normative and institutional aspects leading towards a diversification of the counter terrorism mechanisms. The necessity of its definition seems be bypassed on the benefit of its eradication and suppression especially because of its gradual mutation and the highly powers given to its perpetrators. The United Nations Security Council concentrates its effort, in the mechanisms of counter terrorism, by increasing its normative powers towards a legislative one by gaining considerable prerogatives. On the institutional aspect, the Security Council has monopolized the maintain of international peace and security task, by giving the General Assembly a residual and facultative role. This power regaining is reflected on his ability to create subsidiary organs, especially after the 11th of September 2001. The amplification of the counter terrorism mechanisms was materialized by the submergence of old and fundamental aspects in international public law such as the concept of self-defense. A concept that will jeopardize the collective security system when States will unilaterally will use military force in their counter terrorism quest.

This thesis assesses the UK Terrorism Act 2000’s stop and search and pre-charge detention powers against liberty and security rights. It proposes that criminalizing ‘terrorism’, and legitimacy of counter-terrorism laws, depends on moral and legal norms defining legitimate sovereign power. External norms of territorial sovereignty and non-intervention define and legitimize external defensive actions by the state to protect nation state security. Individual liberty and security rights, specifically pursuant to article 9, ICCPR and article 5 ECHR, have a special moral and legal status externally, but are not universally determinative of sovereign legitimacy. The thesis argues that these external norms accommodate contrasting paradigms of internal legitimacy, the ‘security state’ and the ‘liberal state’. Conceptually, sovereign legitimacy in the former is grounded on heteronymous collective or ideological values, grounding fundamental obligations legitimizing ‘balancing’ of individual liberty and security against security of those ultimate norms. The ‘balancing metaphor’ and exceptionalist theories are conceptually located within the security state paradigm. Conversely, political and individual autonomy (liberty and security of the person) circumscribe legitimacy of liberal state action, grounding fundamental obligations to prevent and punish harms, and to refrain from violating individual autonomy unless justified by those obligations. Liberal rule of law standards, including due process rights, are legitimized by the instrumental role of law as the primary source of justification in the liberal state. Evaluating the policy justifications, enactment, and scope of the TA provisions against those norms, the thesis concludes they contradict liberal norms, violate international norms and individual legal rights to liberty and security, and undermine the rule of law and due process rights. The pre-emptive counter-terrorism policy, balancing national security against individual liberty, and degradation of due process rights, belies a security state approach.

Although there has been a wealth of academic literature which has examined counter-terrorism, both in the general sense and in case study focused approaches, there has seldom been an engagement in terrorism studies literature on the nature of the state itself and how this impacts upon the particular response to terrorism. Existing literature has a tendency to either examine one branch of the state or to treat (explicitly or implicitly) the state as a unitary actor. This thesis challenges the view of the state as a unitary actor, looking beneath the surface of the state, investigating intra-state dynamics and the consequences for counter-terrorism. I highlight that the state by its nature is ‘peopled', demonstrating through comparative analysis of case studies from Spain, France, and the United Kingdom, how the individual identities and dispositions of state personnel at all levels from elites to entry level positions determine the nature and characteristics of particular states. I show that if we accept that the state is peopled, we must pay attention to a series of traits that I argue all states exhibit to understand why campaigns of counter-terrorism take the shape and form that they do. I posit that we must understand the role that emotional and visceral action by state personnel in response to terrorism plays, how the character of particular state organisations can impact upon the trajectory of conflicts, and how issues of intra-state competition and coordination can frustrate even the best laid counter-terrorism strategies. Furthermore, I show how the propensity for sub- state political violence to ‘terrorise' populations makes the response to terrorism a powerful political tool, and how it has been deployed in the past for political gain rather than purely as an instrument to improve security. I conclude that future academic analyses of counter-terrorism must take this into consideration, and likewise, state personnel must be mindful of the nature and character of their state should they wish to effectively prevent terrorism and protect human rights and the rule of law.

A rebours des idées reçues, nous postulons que l’intervention de l’Élysée en matière de lutte antiterroriste s’avère peu prégnante, le caractère exceptionnel de l’implication mitterrandienne parasitant souvent le jugement. Quels que soient les facteurs et paramètres d’une intervention, la personnalité du Président de la République décide du périmètre de son rôle qui ne saurait empiéter sur les attributions du ministre de l’Intérieur, s’affranchir d’une configuration institutionnelle et politique. En outre, dans le cas de l’ingérence mitterrandienne, si l’entourage a eu une forte incidence sur l’action gouvernementale en matière de lutte antiterroriste, il représente une indéniable exception. D’une manière générale, il apparaît que l’influence des conseillers sur le Président de la République est occasionnelle, discontinue mais réelle. En sus, les conseillers n’exercent ni pouvoir ni autorité en dehors de la volonté du Président de la République et sont privés de tout relais administratif. / Far from common sense, we hypothesize that the intervention of French presidency of Republic in the counter-terrorism policy is very slight. Very often, the example of François Mitterrand’s presidency confuses the judgment, although it turns out to be exceptional (with regard to President’s powers or his entourage’s powers).What ever are the causes or the parameters of an intervention, the President’s personality is decisive; this factor sets the sphere of presidential operation which cannot encroach on the sphere of the Homeland security secretary because of an institutional and politic configuration. Moreover, the presidential entourage’s influence seems to be occasional, intermittent but real. This entourage doesn’t exercise neither power, nor influence outside limits of President’s will, all the more so as it doesn’t have any administration to obey its possible orders.

The study investigates the development of counter-terrorism in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia between 1989 and 2017, with a focus on developments of the Criminal Code and changes in the institutional framework. A description of counter-terrorism developments is constructed for each country. Subsequently, general hypotheses about counter-terrorism development derived from existing literature are tested using causal-process tracing tools, resulting in preliminary conclusions about the causes of the identified developments. The results indicate that changes in the Criminal Code were primarily driven by external pressure from international organisations, whereas institutional changes tended to result from country-specific processes, threat perception and inspiration from abroad. Keywords: Counter-terrorism, terrorism, Visegrad, Central Eastern Europe, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia

The analysis of security policy, in its variations, regularly deals with the question of what each actor wants to promote in domestic or international politics, in other words, what is his interest. The term "national interest" is not an abstract category and a rhetorical turn legitimizing government action in front of the public audience or in dispute with political opposition. One of the aims of the presented thesis is to present the concept of national interest as a useful tool enabling closer research of domestic policy within the security context. Our main thematic focus, in which we examine the constitution of national interest, is the Czech counterterrorism policy in the context of the reaction of the Czech government and security forces to the terrorist attacks in Paris in autumn 2015 and in Brussels in March of the following year. An extraordinary measure after the attacks in Brussels in the form of the deployment of the Czech Army performing police tasks in mixed patrols in three Czech cities is for us a key manifestation of counterterrorism policy. This constitution of the security policy, we are further investigating. The main motivation is to explain the reasons why the mentioned security measure took place, which has no analogs in the history of the Czech Republic. We conclude that...

À la fin du XIXe siècle, à la faveur du développement en Europe des premières formes contemporaines d’un terrorisme internationalisé, la France participe à la naissance d’une première grammaire de la coopération internationale contre le terrorisme, qui se décline en une coopération politique multilatérale, une coopération policière secrète et une coopération de nature judiciaire ayant pour fondement l’extradition. Il s’agit dès lors d’écrire l’histoire des coopérations internationales de la France contre le terrorisme depuis cette période jusqu’à la fin des années 1980, dans ses versants tant politiques que policiers et judiciaires, en analysant les appréhensions, adaptations et spécialisations des différents organes de l’État, en fonction non seulement de l’évolution du terrorisme lui-même mais aussi des relations internationales dont elles constituent un élément à part entière. À l’ère du terrorisme anarchiste à la fin du XIXe siècle succède un entre-deux-guerres durant lequel la France fait l’expérience du terrorisme balkanique et où pour la première fois une organisation internationale, la SDN, se saisit du terrorisme. À l’issue de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la France fait de nouveau l’expérience de la coopération durant la guerre d’Algérie, et à partir de la fin des années 60 participe à un mouvement d’européanisation de ses enjeux et de ses pratiques tant au niveau bilatéral que multilatéral. L’Europe géographique autant qu’institutionnelle devient l’espace de référence de la coopération antiterroriste, du fait de la persistance du phénomène tant d’origine domestique qu’international et de sa transformation en enjeu majeur pour la société internationale. / At the end of the nineteenth century, in response to the rise of a modern internationalized terrorism, European states, and chiefly among them France, draft a first grammar of international cooperation against terrorism, a multilateral political cooperation, a secret police cooperation and a judicial cooperation of which extradition is the cornerstone. The history of France’s international cooperation against terrorism from this point on to the end of the 1980s shall thusly be written with regards to its political, policing, intelligence and judicial implications and take into account not only the evolving nature of the understanding of the phenomenon by and within the state, but the evolution of terrorism itself and that of international relations, of which international cooperation against terrorism is an integral part. Following the era of anarchist terrorism, during the interwar years, the rise of nationalist terrorism in the Balkans provide France with a new outlook and the phenomenon becomes, for the first time, an issue on the agenda of an international organization, the League of Nations. After WWII, France faces anew the challenges of international cooperation during the Algerian War, and, from the end of the 1960s on, takes part in a differential process of Europeanization of international cooperation against terrorism. In its geographical and institutional incarnations, and due to the persistence of both domestic and international terrorism, Europe thus becomes the core of France’s international efforts against terrorism.

The thesis focuses on the relationship between the European Union and platform companies, and it tries to explore a debate about binding regulations regarding the moderation of illegal content online. The Regulation on preventing the dissemination of illegal terrorist content online from 2018 was applied as the case to test the arguments. The thesis applies the concept of platform governance triangle to analyse whether the Regulation has the potential to be effective. The research argues that the effectiveness of the Regulation depends on the actors competencies, the legitimation of the Regulation and how it was contested during the decision-making process, and finally on the power relations between actors and the tools to monitor and enforce the Regulation. The research shows that the EU has extensive competencies in areas of independence, representativeness and expertise due to the work of EU specialised agencies. Platform companies, on the other hand, possess unique technical competencies to moderate terrorist content online. Furthermore the specific design of the Regulation, and the fact that it was designed under the ordinary legislative procedure and was contested by various actors, suggest the Regulation is legitimate. Finally, the monitoring and enforcement tools in terms of sanctions could...

The thesis deals with the theme of counter-terrorism legislation in two West European countries, namely in the United Kingdom and in Spain. Specifically I focus on the topic of detention measures (particularly on the specifics of the means of detention of suspects of terrorism) and on the attempts of their toughening in both of the states named above. On the present issue I apply the theory of securitization, through which I examine the debate on toughening the detention measures, which occurred in both of these countries. The text of the thesis comprises of two long historical chapters and a comparative final one. The first two chapters deal with the complicated development of terrorist threats and counter-terrorist reaction with a special focus on detention measures. The main goal is to introduce the extensive matter of counter-terrorist legislation and to integrate the principal topic in a broader context. The final chapter consists of several shorter parts, which allow the comparison of distinct attitudes of both states. After 9/11 both the United Kingdom and Spain chose different strategies how to deal with the threat of terrorism legislatively and how to toughen the measures examined. The main research question is how the securitization of terrorism in the United Kingdom and in Spain differed...

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