This dissertation analyzes the institution of president of republic. It describes specifics of this institution, located between "chief of state" and executive body. Then the dissertation studies his relationship to executive power. It covers analysis of presidential constitutional powers, but also other aspects, influencing presidential position and power in constitutional system. Necessary part of this analysis is study of constitutional position of president. This study comes from parliamentary character of constitutional system and presidential powers in this system. It also includes comparison of chosen parliamentary systems. Then the dissertation analyzes specific phenomenon of Czech president. In this country president traditionally has weak constitutional power, but in contrast he disposes with strong authority in public, and this authority gives him big informal influence in political relationships. It can empower his position very well. Dissertation analyzes historical sources of this phenomenon, development of constitutional power of president and also traditions and constitutional use in praxis. It takes a thing about the role of all presidents in all [very diverse] regimes during Czechoslovak and Czech statehood. Development of presidential tradition after assumption of actual constitution is...

The theme "Direct election of head of state and its influence on the constitutional relations" has been chosen by its author due to the continuing public debate about this topic in the Czech Republic. The second reason is the fact that despite the approaching end of tenure of the current head of the state it is still unclear how the successor will be chosen. This thesis examines the suitability or unsuitability of possible introduction of direct election of head of state in the Czech Republic and its possible form. The aim is, however, not to answer the question "Direct election yes or no?" but rather to professionally contribute to the society-wide debate on this issue and to rectify it. The introduction of the direct election itself, without further changes of the Constitution of the Czech Republic, would, according to the author's opinion, not be an entirely appropriate step. Author's aim was to bring complex material containing, if possible, all the aspects of the issue. Without a broader understanding of theoretical concepts, foreign examples, historical development, but also of the valid legislation regarding the election of the head of state as well as of its powers and duties, it is not possible to conduct the relevant discussion on possible constitutional changes in this sense. The thesis...

A rebours des idées reçues, nous postulons que l’intervention de l’Élysée en matière de lutte antiterroriste s’avère peu prégnante, le caractère exceptionnel de l’implication mitterrandienne parasitant souvent le jugement. Quels que soient les facteurs et paramètres d’une intervention, la personnalité du Président de la République décide du périmètre de son rôle qui ne saurait empiéter sur les attributions du ministre de l’Intérieur, s’affranchir d’une configuration institutionnelle et politique. En outre, dans le cas de l’ingérence mitterrandienne, si l’entourage a eu une forte incidence sur l’action gouvernementale en matière de lutte antiterroriste, il représente une indéniable exception. D’une manière générale, il apparaît que l’influence des conseillers sur le Président de la République est occasionnelle, discontinue mais réelle. En sus, les conseillers n’exercent ni pouvoir ni autorité en dehors de la volonté du Président de la République et sont privés de tout relais administratif. / Far from common sense, we hypothesize that the intervention of French presidency of Republic in the counter-terrorism policy is very slight. Very often, the example of François Mitterrand’s presidency confuses the judgment, although it turns out to be exceptional (with regard to President’s powers or his entourage’s powers).What ever are the causes or the parameters of an intervention, the President’s personality is decisive; this factor sets the sphere of presidential operation which cannot encroach on the sphere of the Homeland security secretary because of an institutional and politic configuration. Moreover, the presidential entourage’s influence seems to be occasional, intermittent but real. This entourage doesn’t exercise neither power, nor influence outside limits of President’s will, all the more so as it doesn’t have any administration to obey its possible orders.

La présente recherche se propose d'analyser et de comparer les articulations juridiques et politiques réalisées entre le système du gouvernement responsable et la fonction de chef de l'état dans deux républiques européennes très peu étudiées en France, la Grèce et l’Irlande. Il s'agit de tenter d'apporter une contribution à la théorie générale et à la pratique des régimes politiques de l’Europe contemporaine, en plaçant l'attention sur une problématique constitutionnelle majeure dans les républiques parlementaires mais relativement négligée. Malgré la primauté incontestable du gouvernement majoritaire, il n'en reste pas moins qu'il laisse subsister, dans les régimes républicains, des virtualités dualistes longtemps en sommeil, mais que des évolutions récentes paraissent vouloir réveiller ou au moins remettre en question dans certains pays. En d'autres termes, la fonction présidentielle, qui semblait condamnée à une inéluctable neutralisation dans les systèmes dominés par le premier ministre, tend à (re)trouver une vocation sinon gouvernementale, du moins centrale. Par-delà leurs différences structurelles, culturelles et politiques initiales, les constitutions grecque de 1975 (révisée de façon significative en 1986) et irlandaise de 1937 offrent deux exemples permettant de tester l'hypothèse retenue. / The present thesis proposes an analysis on comparative basis of the legal and political articulations that take place between the system of the responsible government and the presidential function in these two parliamentary democracies, not thoroughly studied in France. The aim of this research is a contribution to the general theory and practice of the political systems in modern Europe, stressing out aspects of an important constitutional topic for parliamentary republics which is still relatively neglected. Although the supremacy of the majoritarian government is not put into question, it can be still claimed that within the republican political systems, certain dualist implications, that remained for long inactive, tend to be reactivated again in some countries by recent events. In other words, the presidential function that seemed to be condemned to an inescapable neutralisation within the systems dominated by the political figure of the Prime minister tends to find once again a reason of being, if not governmental, at least central. Beyond their initial structural, cultural and political differences, the Greek Constitution of 1975 (revised significantly in 1986) and the Irish Constitution of 1937 offer two fruitful examples of the constitutional dynamics that could test the above-mentioned assumption.

The thesis analyses the Institute of the President of the Czech Republic in the Czech and Slovak Republics from 1993 to 2017. Main focus of the thesis is the comparison of the position of the Presidents of the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic. The thesis look closer general position of head of states in the political systems, the election of the president, the introduction of a direct election in the Czech Republic, their authority, responsibility, termination of service and real application of presidential powers. The diploma thesis focuses on the media image of the presidents, their popularity, media cases and public opinion. The thesis also aims at the organized comparison of the powers and position of the presidents of both countries between 1993 and 2017, identification of identical or different features. KEYWORDS Head of state - President - Czech Republic - Slovak Republic - Election - Status and powers - Countersignature - Responsibility - Public Opinion - Media Case

Submitted by Maria Aparecida (cidazen@gmail.com) on 2017-04-24T12:35:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Edson barbosa de Miranda Netto.pdf: 611509 bytes, checksum: e132671e1a04b1e096b318a9c549904b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-24T12:35:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edson barbosa de Miranda Netto.pdf: 611509 bytes, checksum: e132671e1a04b1e096b318a9c549904b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-01-31 / CAPES, FAPEMA / The present research aimed to carry out a content analysis in legal and political speeches given in Brazil by the Presidents of the Republic, the Ministers of Health and the Federal Suprem Court of Justice from January 1, 2011 to October 15, 2016, in order to identify the frequency in which terms and expressions related to predetermined thematic categories appeared in the content of such discourses. Thus, it was sought to identify and analyze the actors, interests and rationalities of the Unified Health System. As the methodological procedure, the Lawrence Bardin’s content analysis was chosen in order to enable an understandment about the explicit or non apparent meanings in the juridical and political speeches content analyzed in this research. It was verified that the different frequencies express the rationalities and the concerns of each authority or organ analyzed, so that even important categories – such as the Health Judicialization and its serious reflexes in health services and the Reorganization of the public health competence distribution between the Federation members – had little or none appearance in the content of certain groups of speeches. The reason found to this was a predominant circumstantial feature in the content of the political speeches of the Executive authorities and the institutional limits of the Federal Suprem Court of Justice when confronted with political issues. / A presente pesquisa objetivou realizar uma análise de conteúdo em discursos jurídicos e políticos proferidos no Brasil pelos Presidentes da República, pelos Ministros da Saúde e pelo STF no período de 01 de janeiro de 2011 a 15 de outubro de 2016, de modo a ser possível identificar a frequência com que termos e expressões relacionados a categorias temáticas predeterminadas apareceram no conteúdo de tais discursos. Com isso, buscou-se identificar e analisar os atores, interesses e racionalidades do Sistema Único de Saúde. Como procedimento metodológico, utilizou-se a análise de conteúdo de Lawrence Bardin, de modo a ser possível compreender as significações explícitas ou não aparentes contidas no conteúdo dos discursos de natureza jurídica e política alvos da pesquisa. Constatou-se que as diferentes frequências expressam as racionalidades e os interesses inerentes a cada autoridade ou órgão analisado, de modo que mesmo importantes categorias – como a Judicialização da Saúde e seus graves reflexos nas ações e serviços de saúde e a Reorganização da distribuição de competências dos entes federados em matéria de saúde pública – pouco ou sequer apareceram no conteúdo de determinados grupos de discursos. Concluiu-se que, com relação aos membros do Poder Executivo, isso ocorreu em razão do caráter circunstancial predominante no conteúdo de seus discursos e, com relação ao STF, em função dos limites institucionais de sua atuação em questões de natureza política.