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Den kinesiska folkrepubliken och East Turkestan Islamic Movement : En studie utav den kinesiska statens framställning av en religiös minoritetsgrupp.Lund, Sara January 2015 (has links)
Since 9/11 terrorism has been much discussed both in international media and in an academic context. Countries like China have launched their own”war on terror”. The purpose of this essay will be to research how a nation like China can use terrorism and religion to motivate the marginalization of oppositional religious minorities. This will be done through a discourse analysis of YouTube videos produced in cooperation with the Chinese state that focuses on the East Turkestan Islamic Movement. The focus of the analysis will be on the discourses used by the Chinese state to define the East Turkestan Islamic Movement, religion and terrorism and how these discourses relate to William Cavanaugh´s theory of the myth of religious violence which states that a nation can use an envisaged link between religion and violence to legitimate its own existence, motivate its own use of violence and marginalize religious groups. The analysis show that the Chinese state marginalize the East Turkestan Islamic Movement and the conflict in Xinjiang by focusing on terrorism and religious violence as the main cause to the conflict in Xinjiang.
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The Study of China's Counter-Terrorism and International ParticipationTai, Chun-Cheng 24 July 2008 (has links)
East Turkestan is a geographical term and refers to Xinjiang in China. East Turkestan independence movement aims to unite the races that speak Turkestan and believe in Islam and establish a political and religious East Turkestan republic. Since 1990, East Turkestan independence movement groups have launched all kinds of violent activities in and out of Xinjiang, seriously threatening Xinjiang¡¦s social stability and Chinese Communist government. As terrorism has spread around the world since 9-11 Event, Chinese Communist government has regarded East Turkestan independence movement as a term for terrorism. Through participating in the International Anti-terrorism league, Chinese Communist government suggests East Turkestan independence movement as a target for anti-terrorism.
Meanwhile, international terrorism has not been ended by the International Anti-terrorism league led by the USA, and instead terrorism has continued to spread around the world. Since 9-11 Event, anti-terrorism has become an important mission for China due to its territory completeness and national security. China carries out anti-terrorism campaign due to its national interests in a domestic political sense as well as its national interests in an international political sense, such as interests of politics, security, economics, diplomacy, and so on.
In order to cope with domestic and international anti- terrorism situations, China not only takes measures in policy, law, military, diplomatic cooperation and Olympic Games, but also dominantly establishes Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) , aggressively participating in international counter-terrorism ,having an equivalent position with Russia and USA in central Asia, creating a subtle relationship of cooperation and competiveness with these two superpowers in the aspects of counter-terrorism.
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Is the R2P- principle inefficient against the Security Council’s veto system? : - China’s indoctrination camps of Uyghur and Kazakh Muslim minorities in Former East TurkestanAltay, Tansulu January 2018 (has links)
During the UN World Summit 2005 all Member States of the United Nations unanimously accepted the Responsibility to protect- principle (R2P- principle), that each member state shall protect its own population from ethnic cleansing, genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. During the set-up of the United Nations and the Security Council’s veto system in the San Francisco Conference 1945, the five permanent members of the Security Council promised that their right to veto would be used “sparingly” and in the “interest” of the world organization, to safeguard “the International peace and security”. Despite the united acceptance of the R2P- principle to avoid mass atrocities since 2005, China have been detaining up to one million Uyghur, including Kazakhs in detainment camps, in former East Turkestan since the beginning of 2018. Since the passage to invoke the R2P- principle is by the Security Council, the question arises if- the veto would serve as a deadlock on the R2P- principle if China could veto such decision. The purpose of the thesis have therefore been to analyze if the R2P- principle is inefficient against the Security Council’s veto system, by targeting China’s opportunity of vetoing the R2P- principle. The conclusion have been that the R2P- principle is inefficient against the Security Council’s veto system. This is because a permanent member can block the R2P- principle by either vetoing or double vetoing a draft resolution, which have been demonstrated by illustrating how China could veto the R2P- principle. Since the decisions of the Security Council cannot be appealed or dissent in terms of the veto card and UN Charter, it leaves the R2P- principle inefficient with a weak operational legitimacy against the Security Council’s powerful veto system, on the cost of human lives.
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Meta-Geopolitics of Central Asia : A Comparative Study of the Regional Influence of the European Union and the Shanghai Co-operation OrganizationAghaie Joobani, Hossein January 2013 (has links)
Central Asia has been the focal point of intense geopolitical power struggle throughout history. At the dawn of the 21st century, Central Asia has undergone major changes as the European Union and the China-led Shanghai Co-operation Organization have emerged as two normative powers, both seeking to influence the patterns of security governance in the region. This study aims to delve deep into ‘the black boxes’ of the EU’s and China’s foreign policies toward five CA republics. It starts from the premise that the bulk of research on Eurasian politics tend to concentrate mostly on realist and traditional geopolitical doctrine, which seem to have failed to properly explain the normative and ideational transformations that have taken place in the region as a result of the presence of these two emerging normative agents. By interweaving both realist and constructivist theories of International Relations (IR) into a new all-encompassing analytical framework, termed “meta-geopolitics”, the thesis seeks to trace and examine how geopolitical as well as normative components of the EU and Chinese regional strategies have affected the contemporary power dynamics in the post-Soviet space. I argue that, in contrast to the geopolitical struggle during the 19th and 20th centuries, a clash of normative powers is brewing in the region between China, under the aegis of the SCO, and the EU. The research also concludes that China has relatively been in a better position in comparison to the EU to render its policies as feasible, effective and legitimate to the Central Asian states.
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