During the Duke of Alençon's second courtship of Queen Elizabeth the Earl of Leicester emerged as the leading opponent of the marriage. At the same time he began to patronize a circle of writers which included Gabriel Harvey, Edmund Spenser and Philip Sidney, who helped to create the 'golden 1 literature of the English Renaissance. In this thesis I investigate their relations with Leicester and by a detailed examination of their main works, such as the Spenser-Harvey Letters, the Old Arcadia, theShepheardes Calender and theFaerie Queene, and their development, show how they reflect the Earl's intellectual and political concerns. I argue that Alençon was a notable patron and that his growing knowledge of his rival's academic interests encouraged Leicester to maintain his own literary faction. One of his aims was to show the French that English culture was not provincial and he demon- strated this in the entertainment The Four Foster Children of Desire for which he was largely responsible. Having outlined the background of the crisis of the courtship I evoke Leicester's life and circumstances during this period, particularly his relationship with the Queen and patronage at Oxford. I then describe the distinctive interests of his circle in law, history, politics and poetry and go on to establish that Alençon took part in the French academic movement and that his courtiers included distinguished poets and thinkers. The second half of the thesis is a series of detailed studies of Harvey, Spenser and Sidney in relation to Leicester, and their writings during the Alençon court- ship. Finally I examine the court entertainments of this period and argue for the Four Foster Children as a turning-point in Elizabethan literature. My conclusion is that Leicester was a more loyal and discriminating patron than he is usually said to have been and that he played a significant part in introducing the 'golden' age of Elizabethan literature.

During the reign of Kangxi (r. 1662-1722), the second Manchu emperor of the Qing dynasty (1644-1911), Western music began to take root in the Manchu court. There is abundant evidence that the missionaries performed Western music before Kangxi and the emperor looked upon the Jesuits Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688) and Tomas Pereira (1645-1708) as his music tutors. In 1713, Kangxi commissioned a treatise on music, Yuzhi Lulu zhengyi (A True Doctrine of Music, by Imperial Authority), which was completed in 1714. Begun by Pereira but completed by the Italian Lazarist Paolo Felipe Teodorico Pedrini (c. 1670-1746), the third part of this musical treatise Xieyun duqu, is devoted exclusively to Western music theory. This treatise is the earliest official Chinese source concerning Western music theory. / Evidence that Western theoretical writings were included in Lulu zhengyi raises an important question: why did Kangxi demand that Western music theory be incorporated within his imperial treatise? There are only a limited number of studies on Western music in the early Qing court, and this research fills in a serious lacuna. This study will argue that it is not simply due to Kangxi's open mind and fondness for European knowledge that leads to the incorporation of Western music theory in Lulu zhengyi. Kangxi's goal was to use Western music as a tool to restore the lost Chinese ancient music. / The reign of Kangxi witnessed the elevation of Western music in the Qing court. After the reign of Kangxi, Western music continued to be performed at the court, however, its prestige diminished, and it served solely as entertainment for the emperors. Indeed, in Yongzheng's preface to Luli yuanyuan (1723), Western music theory was regarded as that of the Western barbarian. Later, when Qianlong ordered the compilation of the sequel to Lulu zhengyi in 1741, no Western music was included. / Chiu, Wai Yee Lulu. / "May 2007." / Adviser: Michael Edward McClellan. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 69-01, Section: A, page: 0020. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 186-219). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / School code: 1307.

Orientador: Paulo Mugayar Kuhl / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Artes / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T01:10:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Aranha_RaqueldaSilva_M.pdf: 31064637 bytes, checksum: 1793c9fcad0eeaee59881569a24eb968 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: O modelo francês nas artes disseminou-se por toda a Europa no século XVIII, graças ao poder político representado pela figura de Luis XIV. Essa influência foi absorvida tanto na educação da nobreza quanto nos espetáculos assistidos por ela. No primeiro caso, no que diz respeito à dança, através da tradução de tratados usados para o treinamento dos bons modos do nobre - notadamente o tratado de Pierre Rameau Le Mâitre à danser (Paris, 1725). No segundo, na realização de balés nas óperas - característica do gênero de espetáculo francês - que estimulou na França e na Itália o desenvolvimento de uma literatura especializada sobre as relações entre música, teatro e dança. Seguindo o modelo francês, foram publicados em Portugal três tratados que se remetam à dança cortesã (Cabreira, 1760, Pantezze, 1761 e Bonem, 1767), bem como foram incluídos balés nas Óperas de então, coreografados por nomes importantes como François Sauveterre (antecessor de François Noverre na corte de Stuttgart), Antonio Marrafa, Carlo Bencini, Luigi Chiaveri, Alessandro Zucchelli, Pedro Pieroni, Luiz Chiavre (discípulos de Noverre), Pietro Angiolini e Gaetano Gioja (coreógrafos do balé pré-romântico). O presente trabalho pretende demonstrar a presença de elementos franceses nos ambientes culturais portugueses no século XVIII nos quais a dança realizava um papel importante tanto como expressão dos códigos cortesãos (no ambiente privado e semi-privado), quanto como co-participante dos espetáculos operísticos em que se revela como um dos principais focos de discussão sobre a transformação da ópera. Pretende contextualizar e caracterizar a presença dos balés nas óperas realizadas em Portugal no século XVIII, revelando uma trama complexa de influências francesas e italianas quanto ao tratamento da dança no espetáculo dramático cujo modelo é o italiano, e de que forma esses aspectos fizeram parte da evolução desse gênero em Portugal. Para tanto foram pesquisadas fontes primárias - tratados sobre a temática da dança cortesã publicados tanto em Portugal como fora deste, bem como da dança teatral ligada à ópera (incluindo-se tratados técnicos e reflexões teóricas dos críticos que analisavam as transformações do espetáculo operístico) -, e fontes secundárias (estudos atuais, esparsos mas fundamentais para esta pesquisa, especialmente os autores Guimarães e Hansell). Palavras-chaves: Dança Cortesã; Dança Teatral; Ópera; Portugal; Século XVIII / Abstract: The French model for the arts was spread all over Europe during the Eighteen century, due to the political power that Louis the XIV exerted. This influence has touched the education of the nobility as much as the spectacles noblemen attended. In the former, relating to the dance, it happened through the publication and translation of treatises used to train the nobles - specially the book of Pierre Rameau Le Mâitre à danser (Paris, 1725). In the latter, we can note French influence in the execution of ballet in Operas - a feature of the French approach at the genre - which stimulated, in France and Italy, the development of a special literature concerned with the relations between music, plays and dance. In Portugal, three treatises about the court dance following the French model were published (Cabreira, 1760, Pantezze, 1761 and Bonem, 1767), and also many ballets were included in the operas performed in the country. The ballets were signed by renowned choreographers, such as François Sauveterre (he preceded François Noverre at the Stuttgart court), Antonio Marrafa, Carlo Bencini, Luigi Chiaveri, Alessandro Zucchelli, Pedro Pieroni, Luiz Chiavre (pupils of Noverre), Pietro Angiolini and Gaetano Gioja (choreographers of the preromantic ballet). This dissertation has the purpose of showing the influence of French cultural elements on the Portuguese cultural milieu throughout the 18th-century, in which dance played an important role as a way to express court codes (in private and semi-private environment), as much as a co-participant in operatic performances, where it becomes one of the main focus in the discussion concerning changes in opera. This research aims to give context to and to typify the ballets performed in operas in 18th-century Portugal, revealing the complexity of the connections of French and Italian influences. It aims as well to explain how these features took part in the evolution of the dramatic genre in Portugal. The research was based on primary sources - treatises on court dance published in Portugal and abroad, as well as on documents concerning theatrical dance related to opera (including technical dance treatises and theoretical reflections of philosophers that analysed changes in operatic spectacles) -, and secondary sources / Mestrado / Fundamentos Teoricos / Mestre em Música

M.A. (Greek) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

This thesis is written in two parts. The first part contains an examination of the household functionings as an institution. Although the household was an establishment of declining national importance in the years 1360-1377, due to the fact that Edward III was increasingly separated from it and thus it lost much of its political significance, nevertheless his subjects were on the whole satisfied with the way in which the king ran his household. What complaints there were about its activities were not generalised condemnations but specific complaints aimed at either the jurisdictional competence of the court of the [indecipherable] or the way in which the kings purveyors abused their positions. The numbers of household staff declined steadily during this period, from over 550 in 1359-60 to less than 350 in 1377, the most radical drop being in the early 1360s and probably being due to the fact that the household was no longer involved in the war. Despite the merger of the King's and Queen's households in 1360, wardrobe turnover was much reduced by this drop in numbers and by the household's non-involvement in the war; moreover real attempts at economy were made in the household throughout this period. The chamber too had its official income reduced but in actuality its unofficial income probably made it a vary wealthy department in the 1360s although after 1369 most of its wealth was ploughed into the exchequer, by now very much a controlling organ of the national finances, to help to finance the renewed French war. The second part of the thesis examines the part which the royal domestic establishments played in the political upheavals of 1376-77. The Good parliament was not an attack on a system of government, still less an attack on the household. It was a highly personalised attack on a group of courtiers and their associates who had come increasingly to dominate both the kings policies and his patronage in the 1360s and 1370s. Yet with notable exceptions these courtiers were much more than mere idle royal favourites; the commons in the Good Parliament were quick to forget the services which men such as William Latinor, John Yovill and Richard Lyons had done to the state, and while it is true that these men had personally benefitted considerably from their association with the court, nevertheless the charges brought against them in the Good Parliament were in many cases most unfair. Finally, the part played by the lords in the events of 1376-77 in investigated and it is argued that although there was some opposition from the prelates to the government (now virtually ran by John of Gaunt although this was far from being the case before 1376), there really is very little evidence to suggest that the lay magnates either led the opposition in the Good Parliament or seriously opposed government policies in the last year of the reign.

本文以明人對宦官態度轉變及其相應行動爲中心，著重從政治文化互動的角度，探討在明代君權專制強化而滋生發達宦官政治情況之下，士大夫如何因應這一政治結構和政治生態的變化，調整思維與行動的方式，施展和落實儒家的政治理想與目標的過程、言行表現及其意義。 / 本文認爲明代中後期的士大夫在對待宦官態度與問題上，出現重要的轉變與調適，他們趨向於呼籲改變與宦官對立的關係，普遍強調宦官具備與常"人"一致的天性與善端，主張以引導和"教化"的方式令其從善。這一思維轉向的要義，是中晚明的士大夫在承認宦官官僚政治和認識宦官顯著角色及地位的基礎上，思考通過"改造"宦官進而改善政治。 / 中晚明時期這股思維轉向更重要地表現為以"化宦"為中心内容的行動與實踐。對宦官讀書之所--内書堂重振的共識與努力以及撰作宦官教化用書，即是這一實踐的直接落實。中晚明人士在内書堂教育和撰作宦官教化書籍中，均重視以歷史和本朝歷史上的宦官善惡實例來強化宦官道德理想教育，感召和鼓勵其去惡向善、忠君愛國以及輔養君德。這是他們借"化宦"來"格君"的努力，是他們施展上層經世理想的表現和重要内容。 / 在晚明集中出現的衆多宦官教化用書中，萬曆初王畿所作"化宦"書《中鑒錄》是一本對宦官有實際影響和感召力的著作。這與書中揚棄傳統偏見，尊重並同情宦官歷史，鼓勵他們具有常"人"的良知等情形密切關係。與之相反的個案則是張世則撰作的《貂璫史鑒》，以受到宦官排斥告終。其"成敗"視乎它們有否契合中晚明以來宦官在知識文化增廣之餘主體和自我意識提高的趨向。 / 綜核本文討論所得，主要有以下三點認識。第一，明代士人與宦官的關係複雜多樣，不能以對抗與勾結的二元結構予以簡單處理。中晚明時期不斷出現的"化宦"思想和實踐顯示，士大夫傾向於覺得他們與宦官處於同一政治文化之中，並且有意強化已趨"一體"的向路。第二，在政治現實不利和政治空間有限的情況下，明代士大夫能務實而敏銳地利用"化宦"來"格君"，可見他們不曾放棄得君行道的理想，熱情未減。這是政治與文化之間高度呼應、交互影響與滲透的應有真義和全貌。第三，儒家核心價值系統中的原則為後人改造世界提供精神和經典的來源。中晚明人士思考宦官具有"人"的面向與價值並將他們納入"有教無類"之中，顯示儒家價值系統只有回到現實政治與社會生活中並積極地予以回應，摸爬滾打中，才能得到充實和實踐。這是儒學實踐性的特點和要求。 / This dissertation studies the attitudes and actions of scholar-officials to the eunuchs in the Ming dynasty. From the perspective of political and cultural interaction, it explores how scholar-officials coped with changes in the political structures and political ecologies in which eunuch politics became a major issue of government. It examines scholar-officials’ thinking and action in dealing with the eunuchs while attempting to implement their political ideal when monarchical despotism reigned in Ming times. / The study finds that there are important changes in scholar-officials’ attitudes in mid and late Ming times. Instead of discrimination against eunuchs they tended to see eunuchs as their equal as human beings. They believed that eunuchs have similar human nature and humaneness as theirs, and advocated making them good imperial servants by moral and civil education. They adopted an approach that government improvement can be achieved by “transforming the eunuchs through a Confucian-based education and recognizing the eunuch’s significant role and status in the imperial government. / Mid and late Ming scholar-officials were eager to put their new ideas into actions. They were keen in reviving the Nei Shu Tang（内書堂）, the eunuch school in the palace and in writing books specially intended to educate the eunuchs. These books have a common focus on the eunuch’s moral sense. Good and bad examples from history are cited to encourage them to get rid of evil thought and action and to cultivate their good sense to serve their monarchs and the imperial court well and loyally, thus also to help improve the monarch’s character and enhance his virtues. I consider such effort by mid and late Ming scholar-officials to improve the emperor through educating the eunuchs a key form of upper-level statecraft. / The research finds that the Zhong Jianlu（《中鑒錄》/ Mirror of the Eunuchs）written in the very beginning of the Wanli period by Wang Ji（王畿）, the most famous student of Wang Yangming（王陽明）, was a very effective education book for enlightening the eunuchs. The success of the book owes much to the respect and sympathy it show for the eunuchs. It considers them as ordinary human beings with conscience and good will rather than discriminating them by traditional prejudice. By contrast, the Diaodang Shijian（《貂璫史鑒》/Historical Mirror of the Eunuchs）written by Zhang Shize（張世則）in the middle period of the Wanli emperor, although also aiming to educate the eunuchs, failed to attract them because of a different approach to its presentation. These two examples shows that whether an education book was accepted by the eunuchs depends on whether it responded aptly to eunuch population’s increase in knowledge and cultural achievement, as well as eunuchs’ awareness of their importance in late Ming times. / In conclusion, this dissertation presents the following three views. First, the relationship between the scholar-officials and the eunuchs, which was often considered in oppositional or conflicting terms, was more complex and diverse. Scholar-officials in mid and late Ming times came to realize, and emphasized, that their political culture should be shared by the eunuchs. Second, Ming scholar-officials were pragmatic attempting to rectify their monarchs by educating the eunuchs, who were their immediate servant. This also shows that scholar-officials still had strong interest in influencing the monarch with their ideals and values at the highest level of imperial government. Third, scholar-officials’ consideration of eunuchs as their fellow human beings capable of being educated for good heart and behavior suggests that the Confucian value system worked in a positive way only when abiding to the reality of political and social life. The practice of Confucian learning finds expression and meaning not in empty theories. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 吳兆丰. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 312-336) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Wu Zhaofeng. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.9 / Chapter 一 --- 政治、制度史研究中的明代宦官 --- p.10 / Chapter 二 --- 明代宦官與士大夫關係研究的現狀 --- p.22 / Chapter 三 --- 社會文化視角下的明代宦官 --- p.27 / Chapter 四 --- 本文的結構和內容安排 --- p.31 / Chapter 第二章 --- "攻宦"的效果與思考：以成化名臣王恕為中心 --- p.33 / Chapter 一 --- 引言 --- p.34 / Chapter 二 --- "攻宦"與王恕名節的建立 --- p.35 / Chapter 三 --- "攻宦"與王恕"格君"的努力 --- p.40 / Chapter 四 --- 成化末王恕奏疏的彙刊與謀劃入閣的關係 --- p.46 / Chapter 五 --- 餘論："攻宦"的名與實 --- p.54 / Chapter 第三章 --- 調適與轉變：明中後期士大夫對宦官的省思 --- p.57 / Chapter 第一節 --- 真德秀《大學衍義》對宦官的態度及其"反響" --- p.58 / Chapter 一 --- 《大學衍義》齊家之要--目的設置用意 --- p.58 / Chapter 二 --- 《大學衍義》對宦官的態度與定位 --- p.62 / Chapter 三 --- 《大學衍義》宦官部份在明代的反響 --- p.68 / Chapter 第二節 --- 明成、弘年間士大夫對"化宦"的思考與嘗試 --- p.77 / Chapter 一 --- "宦侍亦人也"：丘濬的思考 --- p.77 / Chapter 二 --- "人皆可以為堯舜"：賀欽的嘗試 --- p.84 / Chapter 第三節 --- 正、嘉年間士人對"化宦"的強調與共識 --- p.90 / Chapter 一 --- "性無內外"與"不以類求"：湛若水的個案 --- p.90 / Chapter （一） --- 《聖學格物通》及其對議禮的態度 --- p.90 / Chapter （二） --- "性無內外"：《格物通》對"得宦"的強調 --- p.96 / Chapter （三） --- "不以類求"： 湛若水與太監丘得的來往 --- p.100 / Chapter 二 --- "有教無類"：正、嘉年間儒臣對宦官的普遍共識 --- p.102 / Chapter （一） --- 從黃佐、方鵬到王瓊、顧應祥："不以其人而沒其善" --- p.103 / Chapter （二） --- 何瑭："内臣未必無君子，外臣未必無小人" --- p.105 / Chapter （三） --- 唐樞："有教無類" --- p.107 / 小結 --- p.112 / Chapter 第四章 --- "化宦"與"格君"：中晚明人士重振內書堂的共識與努力 --- p.114 / Chapter 第一節 --- "以為汙辱"：成 弘年間士大夫對內書堂的觀感和態度 --- p.115 / Chapter 第二節 --- "宮府一體"：中晚明士大夫對內書堂的重視和重振 --- p.120 / Chapter 一 --- 初振與新義：正德和嘉靖初年的情形 --- p.120 / Chapter （一） --- 景暘與何瑭 --- p.120 / Chapter （二） --- 陸深與徐階 --- p.122 / Chapter 二 --- 共識與努力：嘉靖中至萬曆中的情形 --- p.125 / Chapter （一） --- 貢汝成："患無以教之" --- p.126 / Chapter （二） --- 郭樸、孫升、趙貞吉 --- p.129 / Chapter （三） --- 李春芳、胡傑、亢思謙、汪鏜 --- p.132 / Chapter （四） --- 姚弘謨、李貴及其《思齊錄》 金達、陶大臨 --- p.136 / Chapter （五） --- 羅萬化、 黃鳳翔、 趙志皋 --- p.140 / Chapter （六） --- 黃洪憲、 張元忭及其《內館訓言》、敖文禎 --- p.143 / Chapter （七） --- 禮部的呼籲：沈鯉《典禮疏》 --- p.151 / Chapter （八） --- 內書堂教材的確定：《中鑒錄》與《貂璫史鑒》 --- p.156 / Chapter （九） --- 教材的挑戰者：焦竑周如砥《中學始肄》 --- p.157 / Chapter 第三節 --- 餘緒：啓、 禎年間的情況 --- p.163 / Chapter 一 --- 東林的聲音：錢士升 --- p.163 / Chapter 二 --- "教養內監，最是重任"：善書的強調 --- p.164 / Chapter 三 --- "我者"與"他者"：宦官劉若愚振刷内書堂的倡議 --- p.167 / 小結 --- p.171 / Chapter 第五章 --- 著作與教化：王畿編纂"化宦"書《中鑒錄》的政治背景與内容特色 --- p.173 / Chapter 一 --- 引言 --- p.173 / Chapter 二 --- 《中鑒錄》的流傳、影響及其版本問題 --- p.175 / Chapter 三 --- 萬曆初王畿編纂《中鑒錄》的背景及其推廣的努力 --- p.187 / Chapter 四 --- 《中鑒錄》初刊和復梓者太監孫隆、劉成的事略 --- p.199 / Chapter （一） --- 翻刻者劉成的生平事略 --- p.199 / Chapter （二） --- 劉成與初刊者孫隆的關係 --- p.202 / Chapter （三） --- 孫隆的生平及其首刊《中鑒錄》的背景 --- p.206 / Chapter （四） --- 孫隆再度提督蘇杭織造期間的政治表現 --- p.216 / Chapter 五 --- 《中鑒錄》的內容安排 特色與取材 --- p.224 / Chapter 六 --- 小結 --- p.239 / Chapter 第六章 --- 同調與異趨：萬曆年間的宦官教化書籍 --- p.241 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《中鑒錄》與萬曆年間宦官教化書籍的持續出現 --- p.241 / Chapter 一 --- 王畿的同調：鄒德涵的聲音 --- p.241 / Chapter 二 --- 宦官"爰書"：李騰芳《宦寺考》 --- p.243 / Chapter 三 --- "銘讒鼎而志梼杌"：徐學聚《歷朝璫鑒》 --- p.248 / Chapter 四 --- "均治"之書：劉元卿《六鑒舉要》 --- p.253 / Chapter 五 --- 勸善戒惡：胡良臣《內臣昭鑑錄》 --- p.256 / Chapter 六 --- 宦官模範：佚名《中貴芳摹》 --- p.258 / Chapter 第二節 --- 張世則《貂璫史鑒》的撰作與命運：兼與《中鑒錄》比較 --- p.259 / Chapter 一 --- 張世則的生平與思想 --- p.259 / Chapter 二 --- 《貂璫史鑒》撰作的政治背景和直接用意 --- p.261 / Chapter 三 --- 《貂璫史鑒》內容特色與其備受宦官冷遇的關係 --- p.266 / Chapter 四 --- 餘論 --- p.275 / 小結 --- p.276 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結語 --- p.277 / Chapter 一 --- 明代士人與宦官關係的重新認識 --- p.281 / Chapter 二 --- "化宦"與士人"得君行道"理想的施展 --- p.282 / Chapter 三 --- 儒家價值系統的充實和實踐 --- p.284 / Chapter 附錄一 --- 丘濬《世史正綱》宦官條目後按語 --- p.285 / Chapter 附錄二 --- 張元忭《內館訓言》 --- p.292 / Chapter 附錄三 --- 王畿《中鑒錄·中鑒答問》 --- p.297 / Chapter 附錄四 --- 王畿《中鑒錄》的按語 --- p.302 / Chapter 附錄五 --- 圖一：馮保《經書音釋》自撰跋文後之印章 --- p.310 / Chapter 附錄六 --- 圖二：金忠《御世仁風》手書跋文後之章印 --- p.311 / 參考文獻 --- p.312

L’Italie, berceau de la sprezzata desinvoltura de Castiglione, est assurément le pays où l’ambiguïté des relations entre art, politique et images médiatiques est la plus forte. Le pavillon Italien des biennales de Venise de 2009 et 2011 illustre ce jeu complexe des apparences, qui « fait des mondes » ou « illumine des nations ». En relisant l’histoire de l’art à travers le prisme du concept de Castiglione, la thèse nous donne à voir que le monde (de l’art) est lui-même l’effet de l’ambivalence de cette désinvolture. Loin d’avoir assujetti l’art à leurs concepts, les grands hommes, qu’ils soient rois, philosophes ou hommes d’affaires seraient des effets de cette désinvolture de l’art. Comme Monsieur Jourdain, ils feraient de l’art sans le savoir. Exit Machiavel ! Il est aujourd’hui urgent de penser cette « ruse de l’art » qui mène le monde. Tel est l’enjeu fondamental de cette thèse qui, s’appuyant sur le schème nietzschéen de l’éternel retour, distingue plusieurs figures de la désinvolture, historiques, philosophiques et esthétiques. / Italy, the cradle of Castiglione’s sprezzata desinvoltura, is undoubtedly the country where the ambiguous relationship between art, politics and media is the strongest. The Italian pavilion of the Venice Biennale in 2009 and 2011 illustrates the complex game of appearances, which are “making worlds" or "lighting up nations." Reading again the history of art through the prism of Castiglione’s concept, the thesis shows us that the world (of art) is itself the effect of this “disinvoltura” ambivalence. Far from having subjugate art to their concepts, the great men, whether kings, philosophers or businessmen are the effects of this casualness (“desinvoltura”) of art. Like Monsieur Jourdain, they would make art without knowing it. Exit Machiavelli! It is now urgent to think this "ruse of art" that leads the world. These are the fundamental stakes of this thesis, that basing itself on the Nietzschean eternal return schema, distinguishes several casualness figures, historical, philosophical and aesthetic.

Writing the history of Tudor women is a difficult task. "Women's lives from the 16th century can rarely be constructed except when these women have had influential connections with notable men.This is no less true for the court women of Tudor England than for other women of the time. The purpose of this thesis is to discuss some of the more memorable court women of Tudor England who served the queens of Henry VIII, Mary I, and Elizabeth I, 2 and to determine what impact, if any, they had on their contemporary times and to evaluate their roles in Tudor history.

No description available.

This thesis examines the portraiture and patronage of Marie Thérèse Louise de Savoie-Carignan, the princesse de Lamballe (1749-1792). It is the first comprehensive and detailed study to be undertaken of the princess's activities as patron. Lamballe was Marie-Antoinette's longest-serving confidante and Superintendent of the Queen's Household. Through close formal analysis of the portraits combined with careful consideration of the sitter's personal circumstances and the wider cultural and historical context, the thesis challenges scholarly assumptions that the princess had only negligible influence as a sitter and patron. As a case study of an independent, professionally ambitious and childless widow, it identifies a wider range of motives and cultural meanings than has previously been ascribed to female court patronage of this period. The first chapter demonstrates that the early depictions of Lamballe as a docile and grieving princess were largely dictated by her father-in-law, an identity the princess subsequently discarded when she assumed a professional role at court. Chapter two examines portraits executed during the princess's rise to political and social prominence and shows that her attachment to the queen and the length of time she spent in her company and service, together with her publicly visible roles as freemason and salonnière, made her a figure of considerable renown and influence and thereby a highly significant patron at the French court. This was enhanced by the princess's international reputation as a talented amateur artist in her own right and by her financial and social support of aspiring artists and art institutions. The princess's engagement with the cult of sentiment and advocacy of women artists is allied to the sorority encouraged by Marie-Antoinette within the women of her select circle. Complementary chapters on the princess's previously unknown anglophile inclinations (discussed in Chapter three) and her private collections, library, and musical and literary patronage (considered in Chapter four) further reveal that Lamballe was an informed and cultivated female patron who operated at the very centre of Marie-Antoinette's circle.