This thesis analyses the position of the Ottoman Empire and the Italian penin- sula and their position in the international scenario during the 19th century. This work studies the developments in the Ottoman Empire and the Italian peninsula from the beginning of the Tanzimat (in the Ottoman Empire) and the Risorgimento (in the Italian peninsula), until the Crimean War, and eval- uates the consequences of these events for the European balance of power. These developments took place at a time when Europe was divided be- tween conservative and liberal states, the formers being represented by Russia and the Habsburg Empire, the latters by Great Britain and France. This the- sis, while focusing on the role played by these great Powers in influencing the Ottoman Empire and the Italian peninsula during the first half of the 19th century, also considers the international developments that followed the out- break of the Crimean War. The Crimean War in fact saw the Ottoman Empire and the Kingdom of Sardinia allying themselves with the liberal forces, a choice consistent with the political path these two states were following in their internal reforms, which they were undertaking to allow them to meet the challenges of evolving times.

This thesis has traced the attitude held by the British people toward the army from the Cromwellian Period to the military reforms following war in 1854-55. This paper has studied the association between a negative public sentiment toward the army, as expressed in the parsimony of Parliament, and the inadequacies which existed in the British Army. An inquiry has been made into the military catastrophes, which were brought before the public eye during the Crimean Campaigns, and the change in attitude toward the army and military reform. The study has also reviewed the political reforms in Parliament and their effects on the military system.In developing the thesis an intensive investigation of Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, 1815-1872 has been undergone to consider the change in relationship between the British Parliament and the military forces of the British Crown.

Abh.--Zürich. / Vita. Bibliography: p. 227-284.

This thesis examines whether there is a frame difference in online news coverage of the controversial 2014 Crimean referendum by The New York Times and the Russian newspaper, Kommersant. The research is grounded in framing theory and literature on the attribution of news sources. The study is conducted in two languages and it seeks to examine how media systems, perspectives on the issue, journalistic standards, as well as cultural backgrounds and historical ties influenced framing of the event. Sample online articles from each newspaper were selected and a quantitative content analysis was performed in order to identify the main themes, frames and source attribution patterns in media news coverage about the referendum. The pattern to quote official sources for providing justification and legitimacy to news stories has influenced the coverage in both newspapers: both The New York Times as well as Kommersant heavily relied on their respective government officials and experts. However, The New York Times provided a greater diversity of opinions supporting the values of a libertarian media system. Politics was the dominant theme of the referendum-related articles in both newspapers, however, Kommersant and The New York Times touched on economy and military themes with different frequencies. A comparison between themes in two periods (before and after the referendum) has not shown a meaningful difference for both newspapers. Kommersant’s online coverage was less critical of Russian policies and frequently utilized a set of the For-referendum frames, rarely touching upon Russian military activities on the peninsula. However, the frame depicting breach of international law appeared with the same frequency as the For-referendum frames, showing that Kommersant tried to maintain independence under the Russian neo-authoritarian media system. The New York Times focused on the illegitimate character of Crimean annexation and exposed every move of Russian troops, which is in line with U.S. foreign policy aims. However, the American publications did not hide the cultural and historical ties between Crimea and Russia and frequently mentioned the illegal character pertaining to Ukrainian protests and a temporary government.

East against the West? Representations of war in egodocuments of British and Russian participants of Crimean War 1853-1856. Doctoral thesis Mgr. et Mgr. Petr Wohlmuth ABSTRACT This doctoral thesis adheres to genre of historical anthropology of war and military. It draws on two theoretical sources. The first consists of paradigms of cultural and social anthropol- ogy, more specifically symbolic historical anthropology in the tradition of Geertz, Darnton, Sahlins and others. The second represents the cultural history of war in the tradition of Kee- gan, Hanson, Lynn or Isabel Hull. The research question is focused on the culture of war during the Crimean War, especially during the Crimean campaign and siege and defense of Sevastopol in 1854/55, as its variables were represented in egodocuments of its Russian and British participants. Crimean War has been the subject of many historiographic texts, but most of them were essentially conservative, relying on national, ideological and civilizational labeling instead of deeper analysis. This doctoral thesis analyses in detail first the formal or- der of the above-mentioned culture of war, but more importantly, it analyses using the method of thick description its logico-meaningful relations, the hierarchy of levels of mean- ing in the sense how the culture of war...

No description available.

This master thesis examines cross-boundary connections between a state and an empire. This was done by mapping connections over Kvarken between the Swedish county of Västerbotten and its Finnish counterpart, Österbotten, during the period 1835-1870. Accounts from the custom houses in Jakobstad, Nykarleby, Vasa, Kaskö and Kristinestad served as primary source material together with contemporary Osterbottnian newspapers. For this thesis, a quantitative content- and network analysis as well as a qualitative text analysis was conducted out of a spatial, boundary- and imperial theoretical framework. This thesis shows that the sea trade continued during the entire period without being hindered by neither impending cholera epidemics nor the Crimean War. When other trading routes were cut off by trade embargoes or when ice covered the sea; the trade never ceased. The traffic across Kvarken was primarily Vasterbottnian, and a most Swedish project, except during the Crimean war. During the war, an enormous amount of Osterbottnian trading parties would come to Västerbotten, chiefly in pursuit of salt. Compared to other trade conducted, the Osterbottnian trade with Västerbotten was extensive both in terms of the sheer number of ships, but also in the value of traded goods. Thus, Kvarken can be seen as a cross-border region. The Russian endeavour to severe ties between Sweden and Finland during the 1840’s through the abolishment of particular tariff prescriptions and swedish currency had no noteworthy impact upon trade across the Kvark. Neither value nor flow of goods was impacted. The amount of ships consistently remained at around 25-40 ships anually for the entire study period. To the contrary, temporary prescriptions to promote trade were constantly introduced. It was probably in the greater interest among both Russian and Swedish rulers that the connection between the two peripher, northern regions should function for the well-being and prosperity of the local peoples. In newspaper reports also the cultural value of musicians and theatre companies travelling across Kvarken was greatly appreciated.

This study investigates the motives behind the rhetorical strategies of rejection and acceptance used by John Bright in his four Parliamentary speeches opposing the Crimean War. Kenneth Burke's dramatistic pentad was used to evaluate the four speeches. An examination of the pentad's five elements reveals that Bright had six motives for opposing the war. To achieve his purpose in giving the speeches--to restore peace to England and the world--Bright' used the major rhetorical agencies of rejection and acceptance. Bright's act, his selection of agencies, and his purpose were all definitely influenced by the scene in which they occurred.

This study builds on the idea that discourses have the power to show that national identity did influence the puzzling foreign policy behaviour of India in March 2014 during the Crimean crisis. When analysing the material and illustrating the identified discourses, discourse- theorists Laclau and Mouffe’s framework is used both as theory and method. Discourse analysis has its starting point in the idea that the reality is accessed by the means of language. The use of Laclau and Mouffe’s discursive framework is motivated by the fact that it aims to create an understanding of the social phenomena in question (e.g. the Indian puzzling foreign policy behaviour) by applying discourse analytical tools on texts. Moreover, discourse analysis claims that identities are the result of discursive processes and that political articulation, e.g. foreign policy behaviour, creates the society; ideas that goes well with this paper. Since language is “structured discourses” and because it creates the world which we live in, it is possible to turn to the use of language when conducting a discourse analysis. To decipher which discourses that evolved around the Crimean crisis in March 2014, and to make the connection between national identity and foreign policy behaviour, articles from the three most read Indian newspapers in English are used as material. These articles are triangulated with statements published during 2014 on the homepage of the Indian Ministry of External Affairs. This paper tells a rather alternative story compared to that of interest- and power based explanations with roots in realism, since it emphasises that national identity influences foreign policy behaviour. The analysis concludes that two discourses can be deciphered in the material, namely Democracy and Multipolarity, which thus can be seen as elements of Indian national identity. These two discourses imply that the Indian national identity can explain its puzzling foreign policy behaviour in the Crimean crisis in March 2014.

The thesis aims to analyze to what extent the non-recognition of illegal territorial acquisition rule is applicable in investment treaty arbitration and specifically whether it may constitute a jurisdictional hurdle depriving investors of the opportunity to effectively seek the protection of their investments on illegally acquired territories through investment treaty arbitration.