The criminal justice system does not focus on individual needs outside of the defense against criminal charges and thus perpetuates the cycle that results in indigent people burdened with a criminal record. This paper first examines the current practices of public defenders. Next it explores the indirect consequences of involvement with the criminal justice system known as collateral consequences and the relatively new practice of holistic defense by which these consequences may be addressed. The paper then discusses issues that previously incarcerated individuals have upon their re-entry into society. Finally, the paper will introduce a new concept, “pre-entry,” inspired by the holistic defense approach.

Submitted by Maike Costa (maiksebas@gmail.com) on 2016-01-13T14:02:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1046542 bytes, checksum: 1b73e3e202f7d4c9a57576066c51c794 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-13T14:02:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1046542 bytes, checksum: 1b73e3e202f7d4c9a57576066c51c794 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-26 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This research investigates the manner of how a defensive lawyer, in the Court, evaluates the social auditorium as well as how this evaluation stablishes the language style used for creating an entry-conscience into the jury. From this perspective, the objective of this study is to verify, in the criminal defense, how the defense lawyer’s discourse is influenced by the social auditorium. Thus, to support the research, they were used the theoretical-methodological bases of Dialogical Theory of Language (DTL) established by Bakhtin’s Circle, Voloshinov ([1976]); Voloshinov ([2005]); Bakhtin/Volochínov (2009); Bakhtin (2010a, 2010b, 2010c, 2011, 2012). To explain and interpret the facts they were used the principles of the qualitative-interpretative research. The corpus is consisted of one (01) criminal defense that happened in Court of Guarabira-PB town. The choice of the criminal defense was carried out due to the possibilities of evaluative intonations that were found in the lawyer’s defensive discourse. In the sample they could be stablished seven (07) categories of evaluative intonations. The analyses have evidenced that, from the evaluative intonations, the lawyer uses some discursive strategies established by a language style characterized of subjective constitution. / Esta pesquisa reflete a maneira como a advogada de defesa, no Tribunal do Júri, avalia o seu auditório social e como essa avaliação estabelece o estilo de linguagem usado para criar uma consciência de adesão no corpo de jurados. Sob este ângulo, o objetivo da pesquisa investiga, na defesa criminal, como o discurso da advogada é influenciado pelo auditório social. Assim, para dar sustentação teórica à pesquisa, foram abordados os pressupostos teóricometodológicos da Teoria Dialógica da Linguagem (TDL), principalmente os que foram preconizados pelo Círculo bakhtiniano, Voloshinov ([1976]); Voloshinov ([2005]); Bakhtin/Volochínov (2009); Bakhtin (2010a, 2010b, 2010c, 2011, 2012). Para explicar e interpretar os fatos/dados, foram usados os princípios da pesquisa qualitativa interpretativista. O corpus consta de uma (01) defesa criminal que aconteceu no Tribunal do Júri da Comarca de Guarabira – PB. A escolha dessa defesa criminal deu-se devido às possibilidades de ocorrência das entoações avaliativas encontradas na forma de dizer da advogada em direção ao seu auditório social. Na amostra foram constatadas sete (07) categorias de entoações avaliativas. As análises têm evidenciado que, a partir dessas entoações avaliativas, a advogada usa algumas estratégias discursivas estabelecidas por um estilo de linguagem característico da constituição de subjetividade.

La recherche démontre que les personnes en situation d’itinérance (PSI) sont contrôlées, exclues, (sur)judiciarisées et qu’elles sont confrontées à de nombreux obstacles lorsqu’elles se retrouvent devant les tribunaux (accès à un avocat, capacité à négocier, sentences mésadaptées, etc.). Toutefois, malgré leur influence sur les procédures judiciaires et l’accès à la justice, nous en savons peu sur le travail des avocats de la défense qui représentent les PSI. Comment identifient-ils une situation d’itinérance (visible ou cachée) et de quelle manière adaptent-ils leur pratique lorsqu’ils travaillent avec cette clientèle ? Quelles stratégies utilisent-ils pour négocier avec les autres acteurs impliqués (procureurs, juges, intervenants socio-judiciaires, etc.) aux différentes étapes du processus judiciaire, notamment le cautionnement et la détermination de la peine ? Enfin, dans quels contextes collaborent-ils avec les programmes de justice thérapeutique et quels sont les impacts de leurs interactions avec les parties prenantes non juridiques, comme les travailleurs sociaux ou les intervenants communautaires ? Pour répondre à ces questions, je me base sur les données provenant d’entretiens semi-dirigés réalisés auprès d’avocats de la défense criminelle et pénale (N=41) œuvrant dans la région du Grand Montréal (Montréal, Laval, Longueuil) entre juillet et décembre 2021. Suivant une analyse de type « codebook » fondée sur les entretiens et la littérature socio-légale, je soutiens que les avocats qui représentent des PSI sont limités dans leur capacité de négociation, principalement en raison du manque de ressources (sous-financement de l’aide juridique, manque de logements abordables, de services en santé mentale et de thérapies, etc.) ainsi que du fonctionnement même du système judiciaire (rythme expéditif, emphase mise sur la responsabilité individuelle, etc.). Afin de pallier les obstacles, ils sont appelés à remplir diverses tâches extrajudiciaires (accompagnement pour la demande d’aide juridique, référencement vers ressources psychosociales, collaboration avec intervenants, etc.), allant parfois jusqu’à adopter un rôle s’apparentant à celui d’un travailleur social. Ces constats soulignent l’importance de modifier les lois qui ciblent disproportionnellement les PSI, d’investir dans le soutien communautaire et d’offrir les outils nécessaires aux professionnels du droit afin qu’ils puissent dégager des alternatives à la judiciarisation non seulement des PSI, mais aussi de plusieurs accusés socio-économiquement défavorisés et/ou marginalisés. / Research shows people experiencing homelessness (PEH) are controlled, excluded, (over)criminalized and that they face many obstacles when they find themselves in court (access to a lawyer, ability to negotiate, inappropriate sentences, etc.). Despite the influence they have on legal proceedings and access to justice, we know little about the work of defense lawyers representing PEH. How do they identify who is experiencing homelessness (visible or hidden) and how do they adapt their practice when working with this clientele? What strategies do they use to negotiate with other actors involved (crown attorney, judges, socio-judicial stakeholders, etc.) at different stages of the judicial process, in particular bail and sentencing? Finally, in what contexts do they collaborate with therapeutic justice programs and what are the impacts of their interactions with non-legal actors, like social workers or community stakeholders? To answer these questions, I rely on data from semi-structured interviews conducted with criminal defense lawyers (N=41) working in the Greater Montreal area (Montreal, Laval, Longueuil) between July and December 2021. Following a “codebook” type analysis based on interviews and socio-legal literature, I argue that lawyers who represent PEH are limited in their ability to negotiate, mainly due to lack of resources (underfunding of legal aid, lack of affordable housing, mental health services and therapies, etc.) as well as the very functioning of the judicial system (fast pace, emphasis on individual responsibility, etc.). To overcome these obstacles, criminal defense lawyers are called upon to perform various extrajudicial tasks (accompaniment for the application for legal aid, referral to psychosocial resources, collaboration with community organizations, etc.), sometimes going as far as adopting a role similar to the one of a social worker. My findings underscore the importance of modifying laws that disproportionately target PEH, investing in community support and providing the necessary tools to legal professionals so that they can find alternatives to the criminalization not only of PEH, but also of several socio-economically disadvantaged and/or marginalized defendants.

La littérature indique qu’il y a un problème de surreprésentation de personnes noires dans le système de justice criminelle canadien. Ce problème serait notamment la manifestation d’un racisme systémique anti-NoirEs (RSAN) dont les origines remontent aux époques coloniale, esclavagiste et ségrégationniste du pays. Les Impact of Race and Culture Assessments (IRCAs), des rapports présentenciels spécialisés, sont une initiative émergente visant à faire reconnaître les impacts du RSAN afin de mitiger la peine des justiciables noirs au Canada. Ce mémoire a pour objectif de documenter les discours et pratiques autour de l’utilisation des IRCAs. Plus spécifiquement, il vise à (1) détailler le processus de production des IRCAs et leur présentation au tribunal ; (2) mettre en lumière les avantages et les désavantages d'utilisation des IRCAs et (3) faire état de l’impact des IRCAs sur la pratique judiciaire. L’analyse thématique de données d’entretiens semi-dirigés menés entre 2018 et 2022 auprès de 35 avocats-criminalistes de pratique privée et de service oeuvrant à Toronto a permis de constater que les rapports IRCAs sont bien connus et appréciés des avocats torontois. Toutefois, les résultats suggèrent également qu’il reste de nombreux obstacles à pallier afin de faire reconnaître leur valeur auprès du plus grand nombre, d’harmoniser leur utilisation à l’ensemble du pays et de les rendre accessibles à tous ceux qui en ont besoin. Un doute demeure quant à la véritable portée que peut avoir une telle initiative lorsque l’intention ultime est de réformer un système entier. / Literature shows that there is a problem of over-representation of Black people in the Canadian criminal justice system. Among other factors, this issue is linked to systemic antiblack racism (SABR), the causes of which can be traced back to the country's colonial, slavery and segregationist history. Impact of Race and Culture Assessments (IRCAs) are specialized pre-sentence reports and an emerging initiative aimed at recognizing the impacts of SABR in order to mitigate the punishment of Black offenders, in Canada. This masters aims to document the discourse and practices surrounding the use of IRCAs. More specifically, it aims to (1) detail the process of producing an IRCA and presenting it to the court; (2) highlight the advantages and disadvantages of using IRCAs; and (3) report on the impact of IRCAs on court practice. Thematic data analysis of semi-structured interviews conducted between 2018 and 2022 with 35 private practice and duty criminal lawyers working in Toronto found that IRCAs reports are well known and appreciated by Toronto lawyers. However, the results also suggest that there are still many obstacles to overcome in order to ensure that their value is widely recognized, that their use is harmonized across the country, and that they are accessible to all those who need them. Doubts remain as to the true scope of such an initiative when the ultimate intention is to reform an entire system.