Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2004. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1965. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Bibliography: l. 66-69.

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Departamento de História, 2009. / Submitted by Allan Wanick Motta (allan_wanick@hotmail.com) on 2010-04-13T14:01:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_RickleyLeandroMarques.pdf: 2749850 bytes, checksum: 60a7fd10f6cf979d39bd6a09bfbf9f97 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Daniel Ribeiro(daniel@bce.unb.br) on 2010-04-15T22:29:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_RickleyLeandroMarques.pdf: 2749850 bytes, checksum: 60a7fd10f6cf979d39bd6a09bfbf9f97 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2010-04-15T22:29:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2009_RickleyLeandroMarques.pdf: 2749850 bytes, checksum: 60a7fd10f6cf979d39bd6a09bfbf9f97 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04 / No presente trabalho, investigamos o grupo de intelectuais e artistas exilados cubanos autodenominados Geração Mariel, que emigrou de Cuba para os Estados Unidos da América em 1980 pelo porto de Mariel. Por meio da análise de documentos, depoimentos, escritos e da literatura produzida pelo grupo, abordamos o projeto identitário da Geração Mariel. Com o desenvolvimento da pesquisa, percebemos que o grupo travava uma batalha por suas memórias na ilha. Nas narrativas da Geração Mariel emergem os atritos causados pela proposta revolucionária cubana de transformar a sua nova geração (a juventude) no homem novo. Este era um dos principais objetivos da revolução em seus primeiros anos. Entendemos, também que a Geração Mariel foi antes de tudo uma parcela da juventude cubana, sobretudo havaneira, que não quis ou não pôde se estabelecer na nova configuração social em curso e que, por meio de uma nova ética moral, procurava moldar os futuros revolucionários da ilha. Na primeira parte deste trabalho, procuramos compreender os pressupostos revolucionários para a formação de uma nova sociedade cubana e, sobretudo, para a educação de sua juventude. Na segunda parte, analisamos como a migração Mariel foi representada: seja pela direção política do governo cubano, seja na imprensa do país. A representação feita nos Estados Unidos da América, principalmente pela maioria da comunidade cubana de Miami, também foi analisada. Por fim, observamos as representações de alguns integrantes da Geração Mariel que, a nosso ver, travaram uma batalha, por meio de suas narrativas e memórias, na luta pelo seu reconhecimento social. O combate dos integrantes do grupo com seus compatriotas pela justificativa de suas vidas é o que, em alguns momentos, demarca as diferenças de trajetória, experiências e perspectivas em relação ao futuro da ilha. A condição de outsiders em Cuba e no exílio acabou levandoos a se definir como uma nova representação da cubanidade: a Geração Mariel. ___________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / In the present work we investigated the group of intellectuals and artists exiled from Cuba, self-called Mariel Generation, which emigrated from Cuba to the United States of America in 1980 through the port of Mariel. After analyzing documents, statements, written material in general, and literature produced by the own group, we approached the identity project of the Mariel Generation. During the research we realized that the group struggled for their memory on the island. The dissentions caused by the Cuban revolutionary proposal to transform its new generation (youth) into the new man emerged from the narratives of the Mariel Generation. This was one of the main objectives of the revolution in the first years. We also understood that the Mariel Generation was, above all, a part of the Cuban young generation, mainly from Havana, which did not want or could not establish themselves within the new ongoing social configuration and that, through the means of a new moral ethics, looked for molding the future rebels on the island. In the first part of this study, we tried to understand the revolutionary principles aiming to constitute a new Cuban society and, moreover, to educate their youngsters. In the second part, we analyzed how the Mariel migration was represented in the perspective of both the Cuban political leadership and the Cuban media. The representation carried out in the United States of America, principally by most members of the Cuban community in Miami, was analyzed as well. Finally, we observed the representation of some individuals of the Mariel Generation, who, as far as we are concerned, fought through their narratives and memories to achieve their social recognition. In some moments, the battle the members of this group had to fight against their fellow country people to justify their lives distinguishes the differences in trajectory, experience, and perspective on the future of the island. The fact of being outsiders both in Cuba and in the exile made them define themselves as a new representation of Cuban identity: the Mariel Generation.

In this dissertation, the socio-ecological transformations that occurred during Cuba’s Revolución Agrícola are explored, against the backdrop of the historical subalternisation of the country as a consequence of Spanish and American imperialism, and in relation to the continuing subalternisation of the country and its people through the neoliberal mass media. To contextualize such exploration, the origins of large-scale privatization of common land, and the subsequent process of urbanization in the West, are investigated, before Cuba’s similar developmental path – as a result of Spanish colonialism, U.S. imperialism, and communist influence – is detailed. Thereafter, the way in which Cuba established an alternative food paradigm, characterised by local, communal, and urban production during the country’s ‘Special Period’ in the 1990s, is discussed, with a view to illustrating how this eco-socialist model of food production, in both rural and urban areas, led to new relations between people and nature. This Cuban model is then posited as a socio-ecologically sustainable model of food production, deserving of the attention of communities around the world, who seek to gain a degree of autonomy from neoliberal agribusiness. Conversely, the efforts of mainstream neoliberal mass media to silence the immensely positive characteristics of the revolution are also investigated, and framed in terms of the historical subjugation of Cuban voices in the American mass media, and the contemporary marginalisation of the country and its people in the neoliberal mass media. Finally, the dissertation concludes by examining the alternative media response, on the part of several prominent Cubans and those sympathetic to their cause, to bring attention to the value of the socio-ecological transformations that have occurred on the island, against the backdrop of various theorisations of the importance of alternative media platforms as a radical counterforce to neoliberal mass media hegemony.

This research examines the use of education by the revolutionary government as an agent of directed culture change to effect sexual equality in Cuba. Upon a traditional Latin culture, the Revolution led by Fidel Castro in 1959 superimposed a Marxist sexually equalitarian philosophy. In order to examine education as a directed agent of culture change, it was first necessary to determine the revolutionary leadership's intent regarding the place of women in Cuban society as well as the success of the revolutionary leadership in achieving their intent. The policy and practices implemented to achieve success and the resultant consequences are also examined. A paradigmatic model of culture change is utilized in the analysis. This model is applied first to general cultural change by examining the place of women in four social arenas; three of these arenas (socio-political action, schooling and work) exist in the public culture domain. The fourth arena, the family, is in the private culture domain and warranted special consideration. The role of education in Cuba was then examined by means of a model generated from the educational data in the four arenas. From the above procedure, the specific preconditions necessary for education to act as an agent of directed culture change emerged. Education as implemented in post revolutionary Cuba was found to contain these preconditions. The family arena, however, because it is within the private culture domain is therefore relatively inaccessible to the control of the revolutionary leadership. Despite concerted effort since 1959 to achieve sexual equality, women in Cuba have not yet achieved total equality. This limited success of the revolutionary leadership achieving sexual equality may be attributed to its limited access to and control in the family. Significant advances have been made, however, toward achieving equality for women, and education in Cuba has contributed greatly to the degree of success. Education has been effective as an agent of directed culture change in Cuba because the education process was expanded to include a broad range of information transmission mechanisms, such as mass media and legislation, and because Marxism has provided a measure of philosophical consistency within the education process.

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An adequate ingestion of essential fatty acids is required for optimal development of the central nervous system and visual acuity in infants. For breast feeding mothers, it is important that a diet containing an adequate balance of essential fatty acids of the n-6 and n-3 series be consumed as this is reflected in breast milk. The objective of this investigation was to determine the essential fatty acid status of breast feeding women and their infants in Havana, Cuba, with particular focus on the n-3 series. The group of 56 Cuban mothers and infants under investigation did not show biochemical or functional signs of poor essential fatty acid status. Based on the biochemical and functional data collected, it is conceivable to conclude that n-3 fatty acid deficiencies must be exceedingly rare, if they exist at all, in the population of breast feeding women and their infants residing in Havana, Cuba. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

Orientador: Jair Pinheiro / Banca: Marcos Tadeu Del Roio / Banca: Henrique Tahan Novaes / Banca: Paulo Alves de Lima Filho / Banca: Marcelo Micke Doti / Resumo: No presente estudo pretende-se demonstrar que, não obstante a existência de uma teoria da transição comunista elaborada por Karl Marx e Friedrich Engels, ela jamais serviu de base para qualquer movimento revolucionário autoproclamado comunista, especialmente para a Revolução Cubana de 1959, nosso objeto de análise neste trabalho. O comunismo, passível de ser construído pelos trabalhadores conscientemente organizados que buscam a sua emancipação - principalmente desde o século XX, quando as forças produtivas materiais alcançaram elevado estágio de desenvolvimento e os países, não mais isolados, podem desenvolver-se tecnológica e industrialmente sem percorrer as mesmas etapas típicas da longa e demorada formação das sociedades burgo-capitalistas modernas - nunca foi de fato o objetivo a ser alcançado pelos revolucionários cubanos que tomaram o poder no final da década de 1950 e que decretaram o caráter socialista daquela Revolução em 1961. Distantes até mesmo de cumprir os ditames básicos referentes à democratização profunda da sua sociedade ensejados pela teoria da ditadura revolucionária do proletariado de Marx (primeira etapa da transição comunista), os líderes cubanos investiram na estatização completa do país para tentar promover as transformações radicais que tirariam a maior ilha do Caribe de sua miséria estrutural legada por mais de 400 anos de colonialismo e neocolonialismo. A despeito de ter sido bem-sucedida na tarefa de promover uma melhora considerável na vida do seu povo, a Revolução de Fidel e Raul Castro ficou longe de poder ser inequivocamente o motor propulsor da construção de uma sociedade comunista e da emancipação dos trabalhadores cubanos. / Abstract: In the present study is intended to demonstrate that, despite the existence of a theory of communist transition elaborated by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, it never was the basis for any self-proclaimed communist revolutionary movement, especially for the Cuban Revolution of 1959, our object of analysis in this work. Communism, which can be built consciously by organized workers that are seeking for their emancipation - especially since the twentieth century, when the material productive forces reached a high stage of development and countries, no longer isolated, may develop themselves technologically and industrially without traveling the same typical stages of the long and slow formation of modern capitalist societies - never was indeed the objective to be achieved by Cuban revolutionaries who seized power in the late 1950s and that decreed the socialist character of that Revolution in 1961. Far even from fulfill the basic dictates regarding the profound democratization of their society thought by Marx in his theory of revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat (first stage of communist transition), Cuban leaders have invested in the complete nationalization of the country to try to promote the radical changes that would take away the biggest Caribbean island of its structural poverty bequeathed by more than 400 years of colonialism and neocolonialism. In spite of having been successful in the task of promoting a significant improvement in the lives of its people, the Revolution of Fidel and Raul Castro was far from being unequivocally the driving motor of building a communist society and the emancipation of Cuban workers. / Doutor

Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-06T13:03:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2015-08-24. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-10-06T13:18:22Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000851766.pdf: 1357036 bytes, checksum: 1f4a51181f0da77e706fe923320028c6 (MD5) / No presente estudo pretende-se demonstrar que, não obstante a existência de uma teoria da transição comunista elaborada por Karl Marx e Friedrich Engels, ela jamais serviu de base para qualquer movimento revolucionário autoproclamado comunista, especialmente para a Revolução Cubana de 1959, nosso objeto de análise neste trabalho. O comunismo, passível de ser construído pelos trabalhadores conscientemente organizados que buscam a sua emancipação - principalmente desde o século XX, quando as forças produtivas materiais alcançaram elevado estágio de desenvolvimento e os países, não mais isolados, podem desenvolver-se tecnológica e industrialmente sem percorrer as mesmas etapas típicas da longa e demorada formação das sociedades burgo-capitalistas modernas - nunca foi de fato o objetivo a ser alcançado pelos revolucionários cubanos que tomaram o poder no final da década de 1950 e que decretaram o caráter socialista daquela Revolução em 1961. Distantes até mesmo de cumprir os ditames básicos referentes à democratização profunda da sua sociedade ensejados pela teoria da ditadura revolucionária do proletariado de Marx (primeira etapa da transição comunista), os líderes cubanos investiram na estatização completa do país para tentar promover as transformações radicais que tirariam a maior ilha do Caribe de sua miséria estrutural legada por mais de 400 anos de colonialismo e neocolonialismo. A despeito de ter sido bem-sucedida na tarefa de promover uma melhora considerável na vida do seu povo, a Revolução de Fidel e Raul Castro ficou longe de poder ser inequivocamente o motor propulsor da construção de uma sociedade comunista e da emancipação dos trabalhadores cubanos. / In the present study is intended to demonstrate that, despite the existence of a theory of communist transition elaborated by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, it never was the basis for any self-proclaimed communist revolutionary movement, especially for the Cuban Revolution of 1959, our object of analysis in this work. Communism, which can be built consciously by organized workers that are seeking for their emancipation - especially since the twentieth century, when the material productive forces reached a high stage of development and countries, no longer isolated, may develop themselves technologically and industrially without traveling the same typical stages of the long and slow formation of modern capitalist societies - never was indeed the objective to be achieved by Cuban revolutionaries who seized power in the late 1950s and that decreed the socialist character of that Revolution in 1961. Far even from fulfill the basic dictates regarding the profound democratization of their society thought by Marx in his theory of revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat (first stage of communist transition), Cuban leaders have invested in the complete nationalization of the country to try to promote the radical changes that would take away the biggest Caribbean island of its structural poverty bequeathed by more than 400 years of colonialism and neocolonialism. In spite of having been successful in the task of promoting a significant improvement in the lives of its people, the Revolution of Fidel and Raul Castro was far from being unequivocally the driving motor of building a communist society and the emancipation of Cuban workers.

Since the arrival of the first African slaves to Cuba in 1524, the issue of race has had a long-lived presence in the Cuban national discourse. However, despite Cuba’s colonial history, it has often been maintained by some historians that race relations in Cuba were congenial with racism and racial discrimination never existing as deep or widespread in Cuba as in the United States (Cannon, 1983, p. 113). In fact, it has been argued that institutionalized racism was introduced into Cuban society with the first U.S. occupation, during 1898–1902 (Cannon, 1983, p. 113). This study of Cuba investigates the influence of the United States on the development of race relations and racial perceptions in post-independent Cuba, specifically from 1898-1902. These years comprise the time period immediately following the final fight for Cuban Independence, culminating with the Cuban-Spanish-American War and the first U.S. occupation of Cuba. By this time, the Cuban population comprised Africans as well as descendants of Africans, White Spanish people, indigenous Cubans, and offspring of the intermixing of the groups. This research studies whether the United States’ own race relations and racial perceptions influenced the initial conflicting race relations and racial perceptions in early and post-U.S. occupation Cuba. This study uses a collective interpretative framework that incorporates a national level of analysis with a race relations and racial perceptions focus. This framework reaches beyond the traditionally utilized perspectives when interpreting the impact of the United States during and following its intervention in Cuba. Attention is given to the role of the existing social, political climate within the United States as a driving influence of the United States’ involvement with Cuba. This study reveals that emphasis on the role of the United States as critical to the development of Cuba’s race relations and racial perceptions is credible given the extensive involvement of the U.S. in the building of the early Cuban Republic and U.S. structures serving as models for reconstruction. U.S. government formation in Cuba aligned with a governing system reflecting the existing governing codes of the U.S. during that time period.