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The toxic combination of social, psychological, environmental, cultural, and physiological trauma Mayas living in Southeast Florida face daily places them at higher risk for mental and physical disorders (Marmot & Wilkinson, 2006; WHO, 2010, September). The burden of disease is not limited to mental disorder comorbidities; psychological stress can also induce or exacerbate chronic medical diseases such as obesity, diabetes, and hypertension (Brunner & Marmot, 2006; Sridhar, 2007). ... The continuation of this disregard will add to the health disparity of this nation by delaying assessment, treatment, and development of interventions. The purpose of this study was to explore cumulative trauma as it related to social determinants of health and pathophysiological, psychological, and health behaviors of 102 adult Mayas living in Southeast Florida. The trauma profile for the Mayan population sample obtained through this study reflected high exposure to different types of trauma; collective identity trauma was most frequently reported, followed by survival trauma, achievement trauma, secondary trauma, and personal identity trauma, with high rates of repetition of the same traumas ... Key words: Maya; alcohol; ASSIST; cumulative trauma; Beck Depression Inventory-II; genocide; Guatemala; Hispanic; social determinants of health. / by Eugenia I. Millender. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2013. / Includes bibliography. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / System requirements: Adobe Reader.

This thesis makes the legal argument that certain histories of aboriginal child removals in Canada and Australia, that is, the residential school experience in Canada, and the program of child institutionalization in Australia, meet the definition of 'genocide' in Article II of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. My primary focus is on that Convention's requirement that an act be committed with an "intent to destroy a group". My first concern in formulating legal argument around the Convention's intent requirement is to offer a theory of the legal subject implicit in legal liberalism. Legal liberalism privileges the individual, and individual responsibility, in order to underscore its founding premises of freedom and equality. The intentionality of the subject in this framework is a function of the individual, and not the wider cultural and historical conditions in which the subject exists. Using a historical socio-legal approach, I attempt to develop a framework of legal subjectivity and legal intent which reveals rather than suppresses the cultural forces at work in the production of an intent to genocide. Having reacquainted the subject with the universe beyond the individual, I move on with the first limb of my legal argument around intent in the Genocide Convention to address the systemic means through which child removal policy was developed and enforced. In this, I confront two difficulties: firstly, the difficulty of locating in any single person an intent to commit, and hence responsibility for, genocide; and secondly, the corresponding difficulty of finding that a system intended an action in the legal sense. I respond to both of these difficulties by arguing for a notion of legal subjectivity which comprehends organisations, and correspondingly a notion of intent which is responsive (both on an individual and an organisational level) to systematically instituted crimes such as genocide. The second limb of my argument around intent confronts the defence of benevolent intent. In this defence, enforcers of child removals rely on a genuine belief in the benevolence of the 'civilising' project they were engaged in, so that there can be no intent to destroy a group. I reveal the cultural processes at work to produce the profound disjunction between aboriginal and settler subjectivities, especially as those subjectivities crystallize around the removal of aboriginal children. I locate this disjunction in the twin imperatives of colonial culture, those of oppression and legitimation. I argue that colonial culture exacts a justification for oppression, and that aboriginal people have been "othered" (in gendered, raced, and classed terms) to provide it. Intent to destroy a group, then, will be located via an enquiry which confronts the interests of colonial culture and aligns them firstly with the oppression of aboriginal people, and secondly with the discourses which developed to render that oppression in benevolent terms. The interpretation of the Genocide Convention is thus guided by the demands of context: and in context is revealed an intent to genocide by child removal.

This thesis makes the legal argument that certain histories of aboriginal child removals in Canada and Australia, that is, the residential school experience in Canada, and the program of child institutionalization in Australia, meet the definition of 'genocide' in Article II of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. My primary focus is on that Convention's requirement that an act be committed with an "intent to destroy a group". My first concern in formulating legal argument around the Convention's intent requirement is to offer a theory of the legal subject implicit in legal liberalism. Legal liberalism privileges the individual, and individual responsibility, in order to underscore its founding premises of freedom and equality. The intentionality of the subject in this framework is a function of the individual, and not the wider cultural and historical conditions in which the subject exists. Using a historical socio-legal approach, I attempt to develop a framework of legal subjectivity and legal intent which reveals rather than suppresses the cultural forces at work in the production of an intent to genocide. Having reacquainted the subject with the universe beyond the individual, I move on with the first limb of my legal argument around intent in the Genocide Convention to address the systemic means through which child removal policy was developed and enforced. In this, I confront two difficulties: firstly, the difficulty of locating in any single person an intent to commit, and hence responsibility for, genocide; and secondly, the corresponding difficulty of finding that a system intended an action in the legal sense. I respond to both of these difficulties by arguing for a notion of legal subjectivity which comprehends organisations, and correspondingly a notion of intent which is responsive (both on an individual and an organisational level) to systematically instituted crimes such as genocide. The second limb of my argument around intent confronts the defence of benevolent intent. In this defence, enforcers of child removals rely on a genuine belief in the benevolence of the 'civilising' project they were engaged in, so that there can be no intent to destroy a group. I reveal the cultural processes at work to produce the profound disjunction between aboriginal and settler subjectivities, especially as those subjectivities crystallize around the removal of aboriginal children. I locate this disjunction in the twin imperatives of colonial culture, those of oppression and legitimation. I argue that colonial culture exacts a justification for oppression, and that aboriginal people have been "othered" (in gendered, raced, and classed terms) to provide it. Intent to destroy a group, then, will be located via an enquiry which confronts the interests of colonial culture and aligns them firstly with the oppression of aboriginal people, and secondly with the discourses which developed to render that oppression in benevolent terms. The interpretation of the Genocide Convention is thus guided by the demands of context: and in context is revealed an intent to genocide by child removal. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

The acculturation of alien groups and the degree of assimilation they acheved, is the subject of this study.

The current study examined the effects of acculturative processes on the self-report of behavioral problems in Hispanic children ages 11-14. Acculturation was measured by the Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican Americans-II (ARSMA-II) (ã Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, CA, www.sagepub.com) (Cuellar, Arnold, and Maldonado, 1995) and the self-report of behavioral symptoms was assessed using the Youth Self-Report (ã T.M. Achenbach, Burlington, VT, www.aseba.com) (Achenbach, 1991). It was hypothesized that while both the linear and orthogonal categories of acculturation would account for a significant proportion of the variance in behavior problems in this age group, the orthogonal model would account for a larger proportion of variance due to its multidimensional nature. As well, it was hypothesized that the experimental Marginalization scales of the ARSMA-II would be predictive of behavioral problems. Multivariate analysis of variance was used to test these hypotheses and results were non-significant for the linear, orthogonal, and marginalization categories. The effects of the ethnic/cultural homogeneity of the region from which the sample was drawn, the buffering of social support, and the developmental aspects of ethnic identity are discussed as factors which may have influenced the potential impact of acculturative stress on psychological and behavioral functioning.

Every day children of Guatemalan Maya immigrants balance two cultures. They reside in The United States and attend American schools but are being raised by their Guatemalan Maya parents. They continually navigate between the two and are faced with challenges daily. Since these children are influenced by two cultures, my interest was primarily on the cultural perspectives of these children, more specifically: what effects does the new culture have on the old? Through volunteering at a Guatemalan Maya after-school program, interviewing and administering the Children's Apperception Test, results showed these children to be influenced by American culture. The biggest indicator, play, was reported to be an important aspect in their lives, which is not considered essential in Maya culture. At the same time, these children keep close ties to their cultural heritage through their strong family ties. Overall, these children are influenced by American culture, but at the same time, keep their heritage. / by Tara Sprague. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2012. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2012. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences. / Department of Communication

The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between the parental level of acculturation and parenting styles on parent/child conflict among Egyptians since no research has been done in this area on this population.

Intimate partner violence (IPV), typically considered in the domestic context, has been shown to have considerable effects on women's employment and health. While the literature has recently grown in this area, very few studies have examined the prevalence of work-related IPV among men. Furthermore, the extant literature on work-related IPV has largely ignored the experience of ethnic minorities, specifically Latinos. Many factors suggest that rates and forms of IPV might be different among other racial and ethnic groups. Some studies that examine IPV among Latinos have sought to understand the role of acculturation and socioeconomic contexts. The purpose of this study was to examine work-related IPV among a sample of men enrolled in batterer intervention programs. In addition, we sought to examine the relationship between acculturation, socioeconomic contexts, and reports of work-related IPV among a subset of male Latinos. Overall, the findings confirm the upper ranges of previous estimates across studies (36% to 75%) of employed victims of IPV and their harassment by abusive partners while at work (Swanberg, Logan, & Macke, 2005; Taylor & Barusch, 2004). Specifically, we found that 60% of the entire sample reported work-related IPV that involved threatening behaviors and physical violence at their partner's job. The findings among Latinos suggest that a positive relationship exists between acculturation and work-related IPV. Specifically, proxy variables of acculturation (e.g., country of birth, language of survey, number of years in the U.S.) were hypothesized to be positively associated with higher levels of acculturation. Consistent with the hypotheses, we found significant relationships in the direction proposed. Lastly, socioeconomic status (e.g., income, education, employment status) was hypothesized to play a moderating role between acculturation and work-related IPV. However, results generally suggest that socioeconomic status (i.e., income, education) did not moderate the relationship between acculturation and work-related IPV. This study makes important contributions to the literature and has implications for employers. The significant rates of work-related IPV found in this study highlight the need to address this problem among employed males as an important step in preventing work-related IPV. Among Latinos, the level of acculturation and factors such as income, employment, and education are important contextual factors that provide a better understanding of IPV in Latino communities (Gryywacz, Rao, Gentry, Marin, & Arcury, 2009).