Thesis (doctoral)--Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, München, 2002/03. / Biography. Includes bibliographical references (p. [541]-583) and index.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2006. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 344-363). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

Thesis (M.A.)--Texas State University-San Marcos, 2008. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 109-112). Also available on microfilm.

Thesis (doctoral)--Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, München, 2002/03. / Biography. Includes bibliographical references (p. [541]-583) and index.

This thesis surveys musical culture's relationship with Irish nationalism after the Irish confederacy's rebellion in 1848 until the beginning of the Northern Irish Troubles in 1972. It is the first such study to engage with a wide range of source material, including not only songs but also sources generated by political actors and organisations. It thus asks how far music and dance contributed to political movements and identities. It demonstrates that music provided propaganda, while performances created spectacles that attracted attention and asserted the strength, territorial claims, and military credentials of particular movements. Nationalists and unionists appropriated music and musical rituals from history, Britain, and one another. Appropriated British army rituals represented paramilitaries as legitimate national armies. Recycling songs made compositions easier to learn and suggested that new organisations acted as part of a continuous, historical movement. Appropriating songs and rituals from opponents asserted superiority over those opponents. Songs marked national allegiance and were therefore fought over extensively. For theorists and revivalists, defining Irish music and dance constructed notions of Irish nationhood. However, this thesis is as much about qualifying the claims often made for musical culture. One result of the failure to engage comprehensively with extra-musical source material is that studies often crudely credit music with having inspired unity among Irishmen and resistance against the colonial ruler. Music's relationship with resistance was more nuanced, and could cultivate disunity as much as the opposite. This study also problematises distinctions between British, unionist, and nationalist culture. These were not discrete categories, but overlapping soundscapes that interacted with and penetrated one another. Nor is 'traditional' music neatly distinguished from 'modern', 'commercial' music. As this study explains, traditional music's advocates demonstrated a consistent willingness to adapt and engage with modern methods. Overall, this thesis provides unprecedented insight into music's impact on nationalist politics.

Public opinion regarding crime-related issues is a challenging matter for researchers and politicians alike. An ill-informed public with regards to crime, punishment and other aspects of the criminal justice system leads to discontent and demands for harsher policies to strengthen public safety. Politicians harness public opinion to secure votes, and this can result in punitive policies that are founded on erroneous beliefs. The objective of this study is to look more deeply into people’s attitudes towards crime and punishment, and to consider why Greek people hold the views that they do and how these views are constructed. A multi-method approach was adopted for the implementation of this study. Quantitative methods were used to map the scope of attitudes towards crime and punishment in Greece. Qualitative methods were then appropriate to analyse and explore how attitudes are constructed and investigate specific factors in more depth. Greek culture was found to be one of the core issues, and in this context the Greek Orthodox faith and the traditional tight Greek family unit indicate that the stronger are the Greek people’s adherence to their traditional religious and family values, the less punitive are their attitudes towards crime and punishment. However, factors such as the media, attitudes towards immigrants and the contemporary political scene were found to cause distorted perceptions, leading to lack of confidence in the Greek criminal justice system.

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo examinar se as políticas implementadas por um novo modelo de gestão, no Estado do Ceará, estão propiciando uma nova concepção de cidadania entre os jovens desse Estado. As mudanças sócio-econômicas ocorridas nas últimas décadas podem ser observadas conjuntamente a uma nova forma de fazer política no Estado. A partir do primeiro governo de Tasso Jereissati verifica-se um projeto para transformação na cultura política dos jovens cidadãos, que se tornam receptores do novo modelo de educação formal empregado pelo “governo das mudanças” e acordados com o Banco Mundial.Esta pesquisa é de natureza quantitativa e apresenta-se dividida em duas partes. Na primeira, verificam-se os marcos para a construção de uma nova cidadania por parte do governo do Estado do Ceará, em conjunto com o Banco Mundial. Na segunda, realiza-se a descrição dos Projetos educacionais desenvolvidos em parceria com o Banco Mundial, e por meio da sistematização dos dados coletados (652 questionários aplicados em 10 escolas de Ensino Médio da rede estadual) foi traçado o perfil do jovem cearense e a analise dos seus valores e percepções. / This dissertation seeks to examine if the public policies implemented by a new model of management, in the State of Ceará are contributing for a new conception of citizenship among the young people in this State. Once examined the socio-economic changes that occured in the last decades and the institutionalization of a new form of politics in the State, during the first Tasso Jereissati’s government which oriented his project for the young´s political culture transformation, whom were the receivers of the new model of official education used by the "government of the changes" and in agreement with the World Bank. This research is of quantitative nature, and is organized in two parts: in the first it is verified the landmarks for the construction of a new citizenship on the part of the government of the State of the Ceará concomitant with the World Bank. In the second part, the dissertation describes the educational Projects undertaken in partnership with the World Bank, and thorough the systematization of the data collected (652 questionnaires applied in 10 schools of Middle Education of the state), it constructs the young’s profile from the state of Ceará and analyzes their values and perceptions.

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo examinar se as políticas implementadas por um novo modelo de gestão, no Estado do Ceará, estão propiciando uma nova concepção de cidadania entre os jovens desse Estado. As mudanças sócio-econômicas ocorridas nas últimas décadas podem ser observadas conjuntamente a uma nova forma de fazer política no Estado. A partir do primeiro governo de Tasso Jereissati verifica-se um projeto para transformação na cultura política dos jovens cidadãos, que se tornam receptores do novo modelo de educação formal empregado pelo “governo das mudanças” e acordados com o Banco Mundial.Esta pesquisa é de natureza quantitativa e apresenta-se dividida em duas partes. Na primeira, verificam-se os marcos para a construção de uma nova cidadania por parte do governo do Estado do Ceará, em conjunto com o Banco Mundial. Na segunda, realiza-se a descrição dos Projetos educacionais desenvolvidos em parceria com o Banco Mundial, e por meio da sistematização dos dados coletados (652 questionários aplicados em 10 escolas de Ensino Médio da rede estadual) foi traçado o perfil do jovem cearense e a analise dos seus valores e percepções. / This dissertation seeks to examine if the public policies implemented by a new model of management, in the State of Ceará are contributing for a new conception of citizenship among the young people in this State. Once examined the socio-economic changes that occured in the last decades and the institutionalization of a new form of politics in the State, during the first Tasso Jereissati’s government which oriented his project for the young´s political culture transformation, whom were the receivers of the new model of official education used by the "government of the changes" and in agreement with the World Bank. This research is of quantitative nature, and is organized in two parts: in the first it is verified the landmarks for the construction of a new citizenship on the part of the government of the State of the Ceará concomitant with the World Bank. In the second part, the dissertation describes the educational Projects undertaken in partnership with the World Bank, and thorough the systematization of the data collected (652 questionnaires applied in 10 schools of Middle Education of the state), it constructs the young’s profile from the state of Ceará and analyzes their values and perceptions.

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo examinar se as políticas implementadas por um novo modelo de gestão, no Estado do Ceará, estão propiciando uma nova concepção de cidadania entre os jovens desse Estado. As mudanças sócio-econômicas ocorridas nas últimas décadas podem ser observadas conjuntamente a uma nova forma de fazer política no Estado. A partir do primeiro governo de Tasso Jereissati verifica-se um projeto para transformação na cultura política dos jovens cidadãos, que se tornam receptores do novo modelo de educação formal empregado pelo “governo das mudanças” e acordados com o Banco Mundial.Esta pesquisa é de natureza quantitativa e apresenta-se dividida em duas partes. Na primeira, verificam-se os marcos para a construção de uma nova cidadania por parte do governo do Estado do Ceará, em conjunto com o Banco Mundial. Na segunda, realiza-se a descrição dos Projetos educacionais desenvolvidos em parceria com o Banco Mundial, e por meio da sistematização dos dados coletados (652 questionários aplicados em 10 escolas de Ensino Médio da rede estadual) foi traçado o perfil do jovem cearense e a analise dos seus valores e percepções. / This dissertation seeks to examine if the public policies implemented by a new model of management, in the State of Ceará are contributing for a new conception of citizenship among the young people in this State. Once examined the socio-economic changes that occured in the last decades and the institutionalization of a new form of politics in the State, during the first Tasso Jereissati’s government which oriented his project for the young´s political culture transformation, whom were the receivers of the new model of official education used by the "government of the changes" and in agreement with the World Bank. This research is of quantitative nature, and is organized in two parts: in the first it is verified the landmarks for the construction of a new citizenship on the part of the government of the State of the Ceará concomitant with the World Bank. In the second part, the dissertation describes the educational Projects undertaken in partnership with the World Bank, and thorough the systematization of the data collected (652 questionnaires applied in 10 schools of Middle Education of the state), it constructs the young’s profile from the state of Ceará and analyzes their values and perceptions.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-08T17:00:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo.pdf: 10457795 bytes, checksum: 9e978a5fd6b12da26905dbbf40b1d4ee (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work aims to discuss some ideas that permeate the understanding of Brazilian politics, in general, and Santa Catarina, Brazil, in particular. "Oligarchy", "patronage," paternalism and populism are discussed in terms from the notion that political processes are affected by the actions of political elites, among them, a portion gradually stood out from the Estado Novo period (1937-1945), by seeking to join to what is thought to be the actions of Getulio Vargas. In this period, appear the "Pequenos Getúlios" of Santa Catarina. Part of they draw a personalistic political culture, essential in their performances in public space. It is the case with the group founder of Partido Social Democrático (PSD). Moreover, the attention turns to the application of elements of personalist political party, as well as the individual actions of its members. Effective party machines are established between the "simple people" and the "professional politicians". And finally, attempts to understand how the elite acting in PSD articulates the relationship with the working classes to a new configuration of the state to society. In 1960, after ten years in opposition, PSD wins the state government and sees a "state machine" in order to achieve "governance" of the entire population and Santa Catarina / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo discutir algumas noções que permeiam a compreensão da política brasileira, em geral, e catarinense, em particular. Oligarquia , clientelismo , assistencialismo e populismo são termos debatidos a partir da noção de que os processos políticos são afetados pela atuação de elites políticas, dentre as quais, uma parcela, aos poucos se destacou, desde o Estado Novo, por procurar associar-se ao que se julgava serem as ações do Estado varguista. Aparecem então os Pequenos Getúlios de Santa Catarina. Parte destas elabora para si uma cultura política personalista, primordial em suas atuações no espaço público, sobretudo na capital do estado. É o caso do grupo fundador do Partido Social Democrático. Além disso, as atenções se voltam para a aplicação dos elementos personalistas deste partido político, bem como das ações individuais de seus membros. Eficientes máquinas partidárias são estabelecidas entre o povo simples e os políticos profissionais . E, por fim, procura perceber como a elite atuante no Partido Social Democrático (PSD) articula as relações com as camadas populares a uma nova configuração do papel do estado perante a sociedade catarinense. A partir de 1960, após dez anos na oposição, o partido conquista o governo estadual e concebe uma máquina estatal com o objetivo de alcançar a governança de todo o território e população catarinenses