Ph.D.--Boston University. / In wartime Great Britain, diplomacy's main efforts were directed toward bringing the war to a successful conclusion, The Foreign Office played a role secondary to that of the Admiralty and the War Office; diplomatic success, in many ways, depended on success in battle, The geographical position of the Netherlands made it one of the key countries in western Europe, located between the greatest land power on the continent and the greatest maritime power in the world, the Dutch had to find the correct balance in international diplomacy in order to maintain both their independence and their neutrality. This was a difficult task because the Netherlands depended on commerce for its wealth and even its very existence, The problem for the British Foreign Office was how to carry on the war against Germany and German trade, much of which was transshipped through the Netherlands, without ruining the Dutch economy or pushing the Dutch people into the arms of Germany. In the early days of August 1914, Sir Edward Grey, the British Foreign Secretary, momentarily tried to convince the Dutch that they should enter the war, He made an offer of 'common action' but within a matter of hours withdrew it, probably because he saw that the British armed forces would not be able to protect the Dutch against a German invasion, He and his successor, Arthur J, Balfour, maintained for the rest of the war that Great Britain should not encourage the Dutch to [TRUNCATED]

No / Napoleon: The End of Glory tells the story of the dramatic two years that led to Napoleon's abdication in April 1814. Though crucial to European history, they remain strangely neglected, lying between the two much better-known landmarks of the retreat from Moscow and the battle of Waterloo. Yet this short period saw both Napoleon's loss of his European empire, and of his control over France itself. In 1813 the massive battle of Leipzig - the bloodiest in modern history before the first day of the Somme - forced his armies back to the Rhine. The next year, after a brilliant campaign against overwhelming odds, Napoleon was forced to abdicate and exiled to Elba. He regained his throne the following year, for just a hundred days, in a doomed adventure whose defeat at Waterloo was predictable. The most fascinating - and least-known - aspect of these years is that at several key points Napoleon's enemies offered him peace terms that would have allowed him to keep his throne, if not his empire, a policy inspired by the brilliant and devious Austrian foreign minister Metternich. Napoleon: The End of Glory sheds fascinating new light on Napoleon, Metternich, and many other key figures and events in this dramatic period of European history, drawing on previously unused archives in France, Austria, and the Czech Republic. Through these it seeks to answer the most important question of all - why, instead of accepting a compromise, Napoleon chose to gamble on total victory at the risk of utter defeat? / Leverhulme Trust

<p> This thesis examines one of the most useful instruments yet devised for regulating the relations of states diplomacy. It explains how, from the beginning of the modern state system, traditional diplomacy has served the needs of the international community. </p> <p> The major part of this study focuses on the diplomatic activities that take place at the United Nations, especially as they concern the Security Council, the General Assembly, and the Secretariat with the Secretary General. Support is presented for the contention that traditional, "quiet" diplomacy plays an important role at the United Nations, even though on the surface the United Nations appears to be pre-occupied with public debate, vote swapping, and distortion of basic international issues. </p> <p> The role of small nations in an international society is also briefly discussed. </p> / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

No description available.

No description available.

yes / This analysis of British Ostpolitik focuses on Margaret Thatcher’s diplomacy, exploring her quietly pragmatic efforts to bring about a gradual transformation of Eastern Europe at the cost of supporting selected communist regimes. The analysis reveals how a market-oriented economic experiment in Budapest first sparked the prime minister’s interest in Hungary and inspired her foreign policy in Eastern Europe. It documents the British search for a socialist transition ‘model’, which led to unprecedented diplomatic overtures towards a small enemy state on the brink of bankruptcy. Based on extensive archival research in Budapest and London, as well as on the personal recollections of three senior British diplomats, this case study challenges some of the common assumptions of the historical literature about Thatcher’s chosen method of combating communism and Britain’s long-term strategy towards the Eastern bloc. / Hungarian Academy of Sciences

Washington D.C. is a city of multicultural richness difficult to surpass. The huge diversity of languages, cultures, and people found in the city are the bases of its identity. Countless diplomatic missions, international organizations and agencies are a dramatic proof that Washington D.C. is currently the center of the world, the Rome of modern times. To this extent, each country that holds a diplomatic mission strives to make its representation, its presence to the host country, as good as possible. With this in mind, architecture is provided with a great opportunity to showcase the spirit of each country through the buildings that represent them, their embassies. The desire that sparked the idea of making a thesis about the Embassy of Chile may be traced to the experience of being a foreigner, a Chilean, living in Washington D.C. In the same manner that a person may represent its country, an embassy building gives the opportunity to express and show a lot of what that country is about; it has the potential of becoming a symbol for it. Although this may seem a very straightforward theme, it's actually very broad, and may be regarded in a number of ways. How do we represent Chile? What do we show? What don't we want to show? How do we express it? And even how can we define Chile. These were questions that had to be addressed before even thinking about designing the embassy. In order to this, the concept that had to be adopted had to be capable of handling this selective process. It's a process in which the person doing the representation also takes part in it. In other words, it's a process by which you are presenting yourself. Through research done at this stage of the thesis, the best way to describe the procedure was by making a Self Portrait. By adopting this concept we were given the possibility to create our own image of what Chile was, and to reveal and conceal whatever we thought was appropriate. / Master of Architecture

It shall be the purpose of this study to present an accounting of the career of public service of Gallatin as a legislator and as a diplomat, showing the great value of his service to the country of his adoption. The presentation shall be divided into several sections, namely those of Gallatin's early experiences in America, his activities while Secretary of the Treasury, while a commissioner at the Treaty of Ghent, and that part of his period of public service following Ghent.

The purpose of this dissertation is to describe and analyze how the Soviet Union attempted to win the sympathies of the Swedish population during the period 1945-1958 through the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries (VOKS) and the Sweden-Soviet Union Societies. The dissertation includes the central Soviet decision-making apparatus’ general formulation of strategy and what means were to be used to win the sympathies of populations in other countries. Concerning VOKS’s work targeting Sweden, this dissertation examines the general strategies and means used in practice. This dissertation links these activities with realism which serves as an analytical framework. Realism focuses states seeking their security in the international system. Security is considered achievable through strategies for using different means of force, in this case, diplomacy and its sub-instruments in the form of soft power and public diplomacy. Immediately after World War II, VOKS was seen by the Soviets as a tool for countering American and British propaganda. VOKS’s reorganization in the early 1950s led to more country-specific activities. Increasingly in the 1950s VOKS sought out partners from outside organizations associated with national communist parties. This strategy aimed to optimally convey the message and to popularize the Soviet Union. This also led to a decline in VOKS’s importance. VOKS during the period 1945-1958 can be viewed as a collaborative project between the state and the party.  The Soviet Union, through VOKS, used the Sweden-USSR Society to popularize the country among the Swedish public. VOKS took increasingly greater control over the societies’ activities, which were reviewed and approved by the Soviet Embassy in Stockholm and VOKS in Moscow. To develop these societies, VOKS increased its efforts to influence the Communist Party of Sweden (SKP) to take part in the societies’ activities. At the suggestion of VOKS in Moscow, the local Sweden-USSR societies formed a national organization in the autumn of 1950 called the Sweden-Soviet Union Federation. After 1953, VOKS’s interest intensified in implementing and developing cultural collaborations with other actors in addition to the societies. Near the end of VOKS’s existence, representatives from the Soviet Embassy and VOKS tried to establish an intergovernmental cultural agreement with Sweden. However, no such agreement was ever signed. The Soviet Union continued to channel most of its public diplomacy toward Sweden through the societies.

This research develops a new concept for people-to-people contacts, formulates a theoretical model to assess the impact of people-to-people contacts on peacebuilding, and draws theoretical modifications and explanations in the model on the basis of its empirical application on India-Pakistan conflict and Northern Ireland conflict. The new concept of interactive people-to-people contacts (IPPC) is developed and it is differentiated from the similar concepts in peace theory. Then ontological and epistemological foundations of IPPC are determined and the roots of IPPC in peace and conflict theories are traced. To empirically assess the role played by IPPC in building peace, the web approach model is developed from Lederach’s “pyramid” of peacebuilding as formulated in Building Peace (1997) and later improved in The Moral Imagination (2005). The web approach model is applied on Northern Ireland conflict to empirically test the web approach model and make improvements in the model learning from the practice of IPPC in Northern Ireland conflcit. Then web approach model is applied on two selected case studies of PIPFPD and Aman ki Asha to empirically asses the role played by IPPC in building peace between India and Pakistan. The web approach model is used to determine the stage/frame of the web process where IPPC based peacebuilding have reached so far in India-Pakistan conflict. Moreover, theoretical modifications in web approach model are drawn learning from the selected case studies and an attempt is made to find out a way forward for IPPC based peacebuilding in India-Pakistan conflict.