Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-14T14:48:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 448471.pdf: 106174 bytes, checksum: 601acadbcd86cccc869ed9c0759e52f6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-27 / This dissertation, developed within the research line entitled Violence, crime and public safety of the Postgraduate Program in Criminal Sciences of the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio Grande do Sul, focuses on the issue of social movemente of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transsexual and Transgender (LGBT) claim for turning homophobia as a crime and also on the political-criminal strategy to supply this demand. The LGBT movement plays the lead role in the field of struggles around sexuality and homophobia. This movement, supported academically by Queer studies, in the face of the empirical problem represented by the homophobic phenomenon, has as one of its main claims turn as a crime homophobic behavior, walking similar path of the movements of blacks and women. Therefore, there is a controversial Bill (PLC 122/2006) pending in the Brazilian National Congress, which aims to define "crimes resulting from discrimination or prejudice of gender, sex, sexual orientation and gender identity" and that, supposedly, meets the political-criminal claim of the movement. Within this framework, this paper aims to assess the legitimacy of the penal protection of homophobia and to propose what would be the most appropriate regulatory strategy for this purpose, within a critical and minimalist criminal Law view. For it, the research is divided into three parts: first, there is the revelation of the problem (heterosexist culture and homophobic phenomenon) and its rupture propose (by Queer theory); in the second part, is presented the LGBT movement and its political performance; and in the third, there is the debate around the issue of criminal protection of homophobia and the legal instrument to be chosen, when the more advanced Bill (in terms of legislative process) under discussion in Congress is evaluated. We conclude that, with a criminological view it is possible to think on the legitimacy of turning the homofobia as crime to assist in preventing and facing the violence that surrounds it, within a critical and rational criminal policy. Which should, however, discuss the strategy for it, coming to the conclusion that the creation of new crimes is unnecessary: it s sufficient just including the name homophobic crimes to some articles of the Criminal Code when motivated by homophobia, either as an aggravating factor, penalty increase cause or qualifying. / Esta disserta??o de mestrado encontra-se vinculada ? linha de pesquisa viol?ncia, crime e seguran?a p?blica do Programa de P?s-Gradua??o em Ci?ncias Criminais da Pontif?cia Universidade Cat?lica do Rio Grande do Sul e trata da quest?o tanto da demanda por crimiminaliza??o da homofobia advinda do movimento social de L?sbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis, Transexuais e Transg?neros, que se faz designar pela sigla LGBT, quanto da estrat?gia pol?tico-criminal para atender-se a esta demanda. O movimento LGBT ? um protagonista importante no campo de lutas que incidem sobre a sexualidade e a homofobia e, apoiado academicamente pelos estudos Queer, diante do problema emp?rico representado pelo fen?meno homof?bico, tem como uma das suas principais frentes de reivindica??es a criminaliza??o de condutas homof?bicas, trilhando caminho semelhante ao dos movimentos de negros e de mulheres. Diante disso, tramita no Congresso Nacional brasileiro o pol?mico Projeto de Lei da C?mara (PLC) 122/2006, que visa a definir crimes resultantes de discrimina??o ou preconceito de g?nero, sexo, orienta??o sexual e identidade de g?nero e que, supostamente, atende ? demanda pol?tico-criminal do movimento. Dentro desse panorama, este trabalho pretende avaliar a legitimidade da tutela penal da homofobia e qual seria a estrat?gia normativa mais adequada para este fim, dentro de uma perspectiva cr?tica e minimalista do Direito penal. Para tanto, a pesquisa ? dividida em tr?s partes: na primeira, h? a revela??o do problema (cultura heterossexista e fen?meno homof?bico) e a proposta de sua ruptura (por meio da teoria Queer); na segunda, ? apresentado o movimento LGBT e sua atua??o pol?tica; e, na terceira, h? o debate em torno da quest?o da tutela penal da homofobia e do instrumento legal a ser escolhido, momento em que ? avaliado o projeto mais avan?ado (em termos de tramita??o legislativa) em discuss?o no Congresso Nacional. Conclui-se que, a partir da ruptura com a dogm?tica e ? luz da criminologia, ? poss?vel pensar na legitimidade da criminaliza??o da homofobia para auxiliar na preven??o e no enfrentamento da viol?ncia que a envolve, dentro de uma perspectiva cr?tica e racional de pol?tica criminal. Devendo-se, entretanto, discutir a estrat?gia pol?tico-criminal para tanto, em que se chegar? ? conclus?o de que a cria??o de novos tipos penais ? desnecess?ria: basta que a alguns tipos do C?digo Penal seja acrescentada a denomina??o de crime homof?bico, quando motivados pela homofobia, seja como agravante, causa de aumento de pena ou qualificadora.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-14T14:34:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 456550.pdf: 371449 bytes, checksum: ce7e03e581468d67d921fa604cbaba52 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-03 / This research aimed to investigate the relationship between equality and private law. For this purpose, the study begins by analyzing the several dimensions of equality some of which were historically determined , namely: (i) equality as the prevalence of law, (ii) equality as the prohibition of arbitrariness, (iii) equality as the prohibition of discrimination, and, finally, (iv) equality as equality of opportunities, concluding that the material content of equality if not the only at least the most important is the prohibition of discrimination, which is a concept that, in addition to having constitutional support, should be understood as the prohibition of subjugation (antisubordination). Subsequently, the present study investigated how the efficacy of the fundamental rights works, particularly the right of equality, with regard to the public (legislative, executive, and judicial) powers and private actors, discussing the main theories proposed to explain the Drittwirkung, especially whether the bond is direct (actors act with a legitimate subjective right) or indirect (depending on state mediation), concluding that this efficacy has a direct effect, although it is a subsidiary and a prima facie right, i.e., the preference to accommodate the fundamental rights in private issues lies with the legislator and fundamental rights admit balancing, and that, once the occurrence of a discriminatory conduct is established, there is a prima facie precedence of equality as the prohibition of discrimination over any other principle or constitutionally protected right. Finally, this research analyzes three paradigmatic situations involving equality and private law, namely (i) contractual autonomy and the obligation of signing a consumer contract, (ii) testamentary autonomy and the differentiation between legitimate and illegitimate children, and (iii) the freedom of religious speech with regard to sexual orientation. / A presente pesquisa tem por objeto esquadrinhar a rela??o estabelecida entre igualdade e direito privado. Para tanto, come?a por analisar diversas facetas da igualdade algumas delas historicamente determinadas, quais sejam: (i) igualdade como preval?ncia da lei, (ii) igualdade como proibi??o de arb?trio, (iii) igualdade como proibi??o de discrimina??o e, finalmente, (iv) igualdade como igualdade de oportunidades, para concluir que o conte?do material da igualdade se n?o o ?nico, o principal ? a proibi??o de discrimina??o, conceito esse que, al?m de possuir amparo constitucional, deve ser entendido como veda??o de subjuga??o (antissubordina??o). Segue investigando como se d? a efic?cia dos direitos fundamentais, e especialmente da igualdade, frente aos poderes p?blicos (legislativo, executivo e judici?rio) e aos atores privados, debatendo, no caso da Drittwirkung, as principais teorias formuladas, notadamente se o v?nculo ? direto (atuam com leg?timos direitos subjetivos) ou indireto (a depender de media??o estatal), para concluir que se cuida de uma efic?cia direta, embora subsidi?ria (a prefer?ncia para acomodar os direitos fundamentais no trato privado ? do legislador) e prima facie (admite pondera??o) e que, uma vez verificada a ocorr?ncia de uma conduta discriminat?ria, h? uma preced?ncia prima facie da igualdade como proibi??o de discrimina??o frente a outro princ?pio ou bem constitucionalmente protegido. Examina, por fim, tr?s situa??es paradigm?ticas envolvendo a igualdade e o direito privado, a saber, (i) a autonomia contratual e a obriga??o de celebrar o contrato de consumo, (ii) a autonomia testament?ria e a distin??o entre filhos leg?timos e ileg?timos e (iii) a liberdade de express?o religiosa frente ? orienta??o sexual.