Au printemps 1113, des moines quittèrent la communauté de Cîteaux pour s'installer un peu plus au sud dans le grand massif forestier de Bragny et y fonder l'abbaye de La Ferté-sur-Grosne, comme on l'avait fait quinze ans plus tôt avec le Nouveau Monastère. Pourquoi des moines s'installaient-ils en forêt? Pour répondre à cette question, il faut d'abord avoir conscience de la complexité au XIIe siècle de ce concept qui semble pourtant simple pour l'esprit du XXIe siècle par la multitude de termes utilisés pour désigner la forêt et la place spécifique qu'elle occupait au sein du mouvement monastique, en particulier dans la communauté cistercienne. La forêt était également un élément économique central dans une civilisation aussi rurale que l'Occident médiéval. Ainsi, elle devait être un enjeu important dans les transactions sociales. Les actes de La Ferté permettent d'éclaircir en partie les modes de gestion et de représentation de la forêt dans la société occidentale du XIIe siècle.

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This thesis is written in two parts. The first part contains an examination of the household functionings as an institution. Although the household was an establishment of declining national importance in the years 1360-1377, due to the fact that Edward III was increasingly separated from it and thus it lost much of its political significance, nevertheless his subjects were on the whole satisfied with the way in which the king ran his household. What complaints there were about its activities were not generalised condemnations but specific complaints aimed at either the jurisdictional competence of the court of the [indecipherable] or the way in which the kings purveyors abused their positions. The numbers of household staff declined steadily during this period, from over 550 in 1359-60 to less than 350 in 1377, the most radical drop being in the early 1360s and probably being due to the fact that the household was no longer involved in the war. Despite the merger of the King's and Queen's households in 1360, wardrobe turnover was much reduced by this drop in numbers and by the household's non-involvement in the war; moreover real attempts at economy were made in the household throughout this period. The chamber too had its official income reduced but in actuality its unofficial income probably made it a vary wealthy department in the 1360s although after 1369 most of its wealth was ploughed into the exchequer, by now very much a controlling organ of the national finances, to help to finance the renewed French war. The second part of the thesis examines the part which the royal domestic establishments played in the political upheavals of 1376-77. The Good parliament was not an attack on a system of government, still less an attack on the household. It was a highly personalised attack on a group of courtiers and their associates who had come increasingly to dominate both the kings policies and his patronage in the 1360s and 1370s. Yet with notable exceptions these courtiers were much more than mere idle royal favourites; the commons in the Good Parliament were quick to forget the services which men such as William Latinor, John Yovill and Richard Lyons had done to the state, and while it is true that these men had personally benefitted considerably from their association with the court, nevertheless the charges brought against them in the Good Parliament were in many cases most unfair. Finally, the part played by the lords in the events of 1376-77 in investigated and it is argued that although there was some opposition from the prelates to the government (now virtually ran by John of Gaunt although this was far from being the case before 1376), there really is very little evidence to suggest that the lay magnates either led the opposition in the Good Parliament or seriously opposed government policies in the last year of the reign.

This thesis takes the hagiographical texts written in the diocese of Liège between approximately 700 and 980 and examines them in their political, social and cultural context. It analyses the texts by paying particular attention to how the authors expressed their concerns about issues that were important to them through the medium of hagiography and the saints' cults, the purposes for which the texts were employed and how these aims were reflected in the retelling of saints' legends. By taking this approach, analysing a substantial body of valuable but under-studied source material over a period of 3 centuries, for an important region, it provides a new perspective on a range of issues, significant people and places. The regional approach helps to show the close interconnectedness between many of these people, places and texts, including those connections that exist over a period of centuries as well as those networks vital to early mediaeval society that existed between contemporaries. Close examination of the body of texts highlights the importance of the cult of saints at all levels of society and demonstrates the value and versatility of hagiography as a means of storytelling.

This study reaffirms the traditional theory of processional staging of the cycle of plays, collectively known as the Corpus Christi Play, that was performed at York in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Because comparative studies of the various cycles are of little value, this thesis focuses on an examination of surviving civic records, as well as current scholarship, to confirm that the plays at York were performed processionally. An analysis of the relationship between the liturgical Corpus Christi procession and the Play indicates that the two, although concurrent, were separate events.

In this thesis, I characterise the Roman republican diaspora in the western Mediterranean, on the basis of the various activities which prompted the migration of individuals from Italy. The intention of my discussion is to examine the connection between republican imperialism and the generally obscure individuals who were the actual participants in empire. This is partly a response to Brunt's Italian Manpower, in so far as Brunt's minimalist calculation of the population of the diaspora discouraged subsequent research on the subject. To accomplish this, I have relied principally on the available literary references as the foundation of a thematic analysis of the diaspora, considering migration of those in the military or associated with it, as well as those involved in various categories of commercial activity. The settlement of former soldiers was frequently connected with the re-organisation of overseas communities by Roman generals. Commercial activity was examined with reference to a general model for trade in the late republic, which emphasises the role of agents acting on behalf of wealthier individuals in Italy. I also considered more general characteristics of the diaspora. Firstly, I have proposed a maximum population for the diaspora at the end of the republic of 170,000. Secondly, I have proposed that communities of the diaspora were organising themselves into conventus by the 70s BC. Finally, I have suggested that the social and economic networks of the diaspora can be modelled in terms of a network of bilateral connections between communities, though with particularly strong connections to Rome.

譚沛榮. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院藝術學部, 1998. / 附參考文獻. / 中英文提要. / Tan Peirong. / 緒言 --- p.i-iii / Chapter 上篇 --- 陳獻章的時代背景及生平 / Chapter 第一章 --- 明代初期至中期的政治及社會狀況 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一節： --- 帝主的作風 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二節： --- 駕馭臣民之術 --- p.3 / Chapter 第三節： --- 士人的趨避 --- p.5 / Chapter 第四節： --- 朱熹理學的尊崇 --- p.6 / Chapter 第五節： --- 地方民變頻仍 --- p.7 / Chapter 第六節： --- 地方經濟文化重心 --- p.8 / Chapter 第二章 --- 陳獻章的生平 --- p.12 / Chapter 第一節： --- 從學及科考 --- p.12 / Chapter 第二節： --- 閉門讀書及居ˇёإ授徒 --- p.15 / Chapter 第三節： --- 復遊太學、名震京師及科考落第 --- p.16 / Chapter 第四節： --- 居ˇёإ講學及盛名牽累 --- p.21 / Chapter 第五節： --- 應徵赴京、受窘及獲授官銜 --- p.24 / Chapter 第六節： --- 屢薦不起、著文寄託 --- p.27 / Chapter 下篇 --- 陳獻章的書法藝術 / Chapter 第一章 --- 明代書壇狀況 --- p.33 / Chapter 第一節： --- 皇帝愛惡 --- p.33 / Chapter 第二節： --- 大型刻帖的影響 --- p.34 / Chapter 第三節： --- 永樂大典修編的影響 --- p.34 / Chapter 第四節： --- 書壇局面的統合與分立 --- p.35 / Chapter 第五節： --- 明代書藝理論及淵源 --- p.37 / Chapter 第二章 --- 陳獻章的理學 --- p.41 / Chapter 第一節： --- 本體論：自然與自得 --- p.42 / Chapter 第二節： --- 方法論：虛與靜 --- p.45 / Chapter 第三章 --- 陳獻章的藝術觀 --- p.51 / Chapter 第一節： --- 詩觀 --- p.51 / Chapter 第二節： --- 對藝術的一般態度 --- p.55 / Chapter 第三節： --- 對藝術商品化的態度 --- p.57 / Chapter 第四章 --- 陳獻章書法藝術的師承 --- p.66 / Chapter 第一節： --- 幼學 --- p.66 / Chapter 第二節： --- 國子監課業 --- p.67 / Chapter 第三節： --- 嶺南文物 --- p.68 / Chapter 第四節： --- 朋輩影響 --- p.70 / Chapter 第五章 --- 陳獻章的書藝觀 --- p.73 / Chapter 第一節： --- 書藝與人生 --- p.73 / Chapter 第二節： --- 藝以載道 --- p.74 / Chapter 第三節： --- 中庸之道 --- p.76 / Chapter 第六章 --- 陳獻章茅龍書藝的成因及工具 --- p.82 / Chapter 第一節： --- 浙派畫風的薰染 --- p.83 / Chapter 第二節： --- 林良筆法的啓迪 --- p.84 / Chapter 第三節： --- 茅筆的材料及製造 --- p.86 / Chapter 第四節： --- 茅筆工具的局限性 --- p.88 / Chapter 第七章 --- 陳獻章的書法風格 --- p.91 / Chapter 第一節： --- 毛筆書風格 --- p.91 / Chapter 第二節： --- 茅筆書風格 --- p.93 / Chapter 第八章 --- 陳獻章書藝的成就及評價 --- p.97 / Chapter 第一節： --- 在書法工具上的創新 --- p.97 / Chapter 第二節： --- 在書法文化及藝術經濟上的貢獻 --- p.98 / Chapter 第三節： --- 理學與書藝的融合 --- p.99 / Chapter 第四節： --- 書法史地位的商榷 --- p.100 / Chapter 第五節： --- 書法史對陳獻章的忽略及誤解 --- p.101 / 參攷書目 --- p.107 / 附錄 / Chapter ´ؤ. --- 陳獻章年表 --- p.112 / Chapter 二. --- 陳獻章題跋書畫詩文一覽表 --- p.122 / Chapter 三. --- 陳獻章書蹟辨僞 --- p.124 / Chapter 四. --- “祇署´ب白沙，之陳獻章書蹟皆膺品´ح之商榷 --- p.126 / Chapter 五. --- 陳獻章書法作品編年評釋及圖版 --- p.129 / Chapter 六. --- 各章插圖 --- p.282 / 謝辭 --- p.306

This thesis questions the prevailing historical models of the medieval family, using the Paston family as a test case. It reviews the theories of three prominent historians of the medieval family: Lawrence Stone, Ralph Houlbrooke and Joel Rosenthal. Whether the Paston family and particularly the women fit the models of families as defined by the above mentioned historians is the underlying question. If the Paston family does not fit these models, what does that tell us about the current assumptions made concerning the fifteen th century family? The thesis illustrates that the family models of Stone do not always apply to the Pastons. Houlbrooke's and Rosenthal's ideas on family are much more reflective of the lives actually led by the Pastons. Therefore, while we can not say that the Pastons were average, they were certainly not exceptional. The lives of the women did not fit the models as established by Stone. Their power came from the home itself, as they managed the estates, educated their children, protected their property and looked after the future financial interests of the family. Houlbrooke allows for this form of power in his studies on women. Rosenthal tends to skirt the issues of women focusing more on the power that they received as widows not as wives. If the theories of our three historians were correct or encompassing enough they would have enfolded the Paston family. Houlbrooke's theories did this. Rosenthal's arguments did not include all aspects of the family, particularly children and education. Stone's arguments, with few exceptions, did not fit the Pastons at all. If we allow for a diversity of family structures and a diversity of roles and relationships within that structure, then we will have a much more accurate picture of the fifteenth century family.

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