This study is built around two core questions. Firstly, what constitutes the formation of Kurdish identity in the Kurdistan Region-Iraq (KRI)? Secondly, what have the inner dynamics of this process been since 1991? Two major theoretical approaches are used to address these questions, namely ethno-symbolism and political discourse theory (PDT). These theories are utilised to approach the research questions on two levels: the cultural-historical and the political; and result in four major findings regarding the inner dynamics of collective identity formation in the KRI. Firstly, it is found that actors active in the process of collective identity formation are primarily nationalist political parties and intellectuals. Secondly, that Kurdish identity in the region forms around ‘Kurdish’ ethnic, cultural and historical features. Thirdly, that a large set of cultural and historical tools have been utilised to produce Kurdish identity in the KRI. Fourthly, that different forms of Kurdish identity have been produced in the KRI, meaning that Kurdishness in the region is split, fragmented, relational and crisis-ridden. This study also argues that the process of Kurdish identity formation in the KRI from 1991 to 2014 can be divided into three II historic phases. The first of these stretched from 1991 to 2003 and saw the ambiguous development of a traditional Kurdish ethno-nationalist identity; the second lasted from 2003 to 2009 and saw the development of an ambiguous Kurdish nationalist identity; whilst the third stretches from 2009 to the present and has seen Kurdish identity acquire a civic character in response to newly emerged political, social and economic conditions in the KRI. The study also combines the theoretical and methodological approaches of ethno-symbolism’s culturist approach and PDT’s social constructionism in order to develop an approach suitable for studying the complexities of Kurdish identity formation in the KRI. The resulting argument is that whilst Kurdish cultural and historical features play an essential role in producing the Kurdish identity in the KRI, this identity is produced in the discursive realm by competing social and political actors, each of which seeks to hegemonise their own particular form of Kurdish identity.

2011 became a year of revolt for the Middle East and north Africa as a series of popular uprisings toppled veteran strongmen that had ruled the regions for decades. The contentious mobilisations not only repudiated orthodox explanations for the resilience of Arab autocracy, but radically asserted the 'political imaginary' of a sovereign and united citizenry, so vigorously encapsulated in the popular slogan al-shab yurid isqat al-nizam (the people want to overthrow the system). In the Republic of Yemen, revolting citizens precipitated the resignation of perennial President Ali Abd Allah Salih and demanded a fundamental reconfiguration of the prevailing social contract into a modern civil state (al-dawla al-madaniya al-haditha). It is tempting to situate the root causes of these historic citizen revolts in the political inertia and moral bankruptcy of (neo)patrimonial Arab autocracies, their neoliberal economic policies, unemployment and social inequality, a youth bulge or new media technologies - all of which doubtlessly constituted crucial enabling factors. For the historian, however, the story runs much deeper than such 'presentist' interpretations suggest. Adopting a dynamic, process-orientated approach, this doctoral dissertation examines why and how the revolutionary mobilisation in 2011 transpired in relation to Yemen's history of contentious politics. The narrative is built around the argument that the revolt was the result of three parallel, dynamic processes: the erratic and limited liberalisation process since Yemeni unification in 1990, the 'oligarchisation' of power sine the 1994 war, and the 'politics of calculated chaos' - a paradoxical propensity of the Salih regime to foster disorder and dissent in order to position itself as the defender of the republicanism and Yemeni unity. When regime changes in North Africa precipitated a shift in political opportunities, these processes culminated in the formation of a loose, temporary and heterogeneous opposition coalition that mounted a singular contentious challenge against the regime. Traditional powerbrokers, however, soon stifled the brief revolutionary moment as they politicised, co-opted and superseded the citizen movement. Loosely inspired by the histoire de la long duree, the thesis contextualises the emergence and trajectory of the Yemeni citizen revolt in the political economy imperatives, deep-seated regional divisions and collective memories of past regimes and revolutions, such as the pre-Islamic South Arabian kingdomes, the millennial Zaydi Imamates or the twin revolutions of the 1960s. It thereby revels some striking historical parallels to earlier episodes of contention in terms of longstanding demands, ideas and repertoires, which continue to constitute frameworks of reference for contemporary contentious politics.

This research focuses on the question why the East Timorese in exile after 1999 are suffering in silence. Today, many of them still live in temporary camps for more than a decade after East Timor referendum. Using Foucaultian approach in investigating the long period of history of the construction of the people in camps, and also the concept of reflexive sociology this research tries to explain the construction of victims within the trend of transitional justice in post Cold War period. The victims of structural violence are rarely recognised within the liberal human rights campaign. Following Arendt’s idea that the camp is the place where human rights and citizen right are not recognized, this research finds that Agamben’s argument that the making of camp itself is not separated from the juridical and disciplinary power is valid. Using historical narratives in three different settings Netherlands East Indies/Indonesia, Portugal, Portuguese Timor/Provinsi Timor Timor/East Timor this thesis explains the process of exclusion of different communities in different periods in particular those who are victims of modern state and also cosmopolitan solidarity in camps.

This dissertation examines the international history of the Gulf region during the period from 1958 to 1979. It begins with the fall of the Iraqi monarchy and ends with the fall of the Shah of Iran. Particular attention is paid throughout to the establishment of the new Gulf states and their emergence into `modernity'. In Chapter I we deal with the historical background of the Gulf states, Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman. Besides the historical background we also deal with recent social, economic and political developments within all of these states. Special attention has been paid to the culture, religion and society of our subjects since these factors play a major role in the domestic and external decision-making. Faysal of Saudi Arabia, for example, formed his policies according to his strong Islamic beliefs. In Chapter II we deal with the conflicts and disputes among our subjects. Disputes over whole territory, as in the case of the Iraqi claim over Kuwait and the Iranian claim over Bahrain or disputes over islands which one state believes to be part of its national territory but which claim is disputed - the Iranian claim to the two Tunbs and Abu Musa or the Bahraini claim to Zubara, for example, or disputed claims by several parties - in the case of the Buraimi Oasis between Saudi Arabia, Abu Dhabi and Oman. These claims became important as a result of the oil discoveries in our region and the establishment of new states deepened some of these conflicts. There have also been important strategic considerations at stake - for example, with regard to the Iraqi claims to the two Kuwaiti islands of Warba and Bubiyan. In Chapter III we look at the involvement of the superpowers in the region. Particular attention is given to the relationships between the United States and Iran and between the United States and Saudi Arabia on the one hand and that between the Soviet Union and Iraq on the other. Attention has inevitably focussed upon military rivalry and the development of armed forces. In the subsequent chapters the emphasis changes. We deal with the region as a whole and look at events as they involve all the countries concerned. These chapters cover the entire period from 1958 to 1979 on a daily basis by watching its politically dynamic developments, starting with the fall of the Iraqi monarchy and the emergence of the revolutionary regime in its place and ending with the downfall of the Shah of Iran in 1979. That has entailed consideration of the fate of the Iraqi revolution and the emergence and fragile independence of Kuwait. Another significant landmark is the British announcement in 1968 of their determination to bring their long-established role in the region to an end three years later. That in turn leads to a consideration of the politics of the establishment of the United Arab Emirates and also of the international aspects of the Omani question. The final chapters consider the `Algiers Accord' between Iran and Iraq and the dispute over the Shatt al-Arab waterway. Considerable note is taken of the Kurdish revolt in its various phases. The thesis comes to an end by describing the downfall of the Shah and the international evaluation of its significance.

This thesis examines the effects of 'Historical Globalization' on Sylhet and its people from 1874 to 1971. The aim of the thesis is to show two intersecting worlds within which the people of Sylhet lived their lives. At the local level they have responded to the introduction of the capitalist tea plantation. At the global level they established a 'diaspora' and social networks that maintained contact with the homeland. The dissertation considers the reshaping of Sylhet and its role as buffer zone between Assam and Bengal - the biggest province of British India. Thus it looks at Sylhet's place as the producer of global commodity tea - interfacing capital and labour that left long-term impact. It explores how local people itself becoming global for seeking economic fortune. The dissertation further examines identity politics from 1870s to 1971 as these events shaped political mobilizations at home and abroad that ended up the creation of Bangladesh. The study begins in 1874, when Assam Province was created taking Sylhet from Bengal and ends in 1971, when Bangladesh emerged where Sylhetis played a key role at home and across the globe. The chapter one traces the distinctive nature of Sylhet as a frontier, a meeting point of cultures even before the opening of Sylhet for tea capitalism. Chapter two examines the local and overseas entrepreneurs involved in the development of the plantation. Chapter three focuses on the phenomenon of labour migration within the South Asian context created by the plantation, the recruitment of tea labourers from other regions up to 1000 kilometres away, some affected by famine and a sharp termination of the contacts with their homeland following the partition in 1947. Chapter four explores mobility of labour created by the merchant marine, drawing in Sylheti seafarers with a tradition of migration and involvement in water transport and taking them across the globe. It considers the impact of 1947 partition, cutting off Sylhetis from Calcutta and ships - out migration not only continues but become torrent. Chapter five goes on to examine social improvement through communication, education and public health. Chapter six looks at the political mobilization in Sylhet, the reaction of the Hindu elites to the prospect of decolonization and the displacement of this elite following partition in 1947 and trans-national network of Diaspora nationalism. The Sylhet referendum in 1947 emerged as a watershed needs emphasising more strongly as a structuring element in the overall study.

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This thesis examines the diverse body of seafarers known as ‘lascars’. Scholarship devoted to lascars who were employed during the age of sail has tended to focus on the minority who stayed and settled in Britain. Studying lascars as migrants can have the effect of obscuring the time they spent afloat and often risks casting them in the role of victims. Historians have failed to address fully the issue of how these men resisted the oppressive conditions of their employment whilst at sea. This thesis draws upon a wealth of unused source material – including logbooks, seafaring diaries and judicial records – to reconstruct lascar unrest aboard British merchantmen operating in the Indian Ocean between 1780 and 1860. It uncovers a wide range of hitherto overlooked forms of agency amongst lascars. These include everyday acts of collective protest such as demonstrations, refusals to work, assaults on officers and disorderly religious festivals. Such tactics enabled lascars to exert considerable influence aboard ship by venting anger, resisting unpopular orders and gaining concessions from their superiors. They also serve to broaden our understanding of what constitutes a ‘mutiny’ and how this could vary considerably between different cultural contexts. This thesis also examines more serious forms of mutiny, during which lascar crews killed commanders, commandeered vessels, expropriated cargoes and overturned established shipboard social relations. Uprisings of this nature occupy an important place in the long history of lascar employment and add significantly to our understanding of the Indian Ocean world. The last eight decades of East India Company rule witnessed a spate of such incidents, before European expansion and steam navigation rendered them unfeasible. The documents generated by this form of mutiny also provide one of the very few means of recapturing a lascar voice from the archives. Mutiny in all its forms thus offers an unparalleled window onto the working lives of these seafarers and the unique wooden world they inhabited.

My thesis is an examination of Singapore's aspiration to become a Global City for the Arts as set out in the Renaissance City Report released in 2000. By examining the key issues surrounding Singapore's attempt to become a Global City for the Arts, this thesis discuss the reasons why Singapore want to be achieve this aim and identifies the key obstacles in realising this goal. Using a Pierre Bourdieu framework of analysis, I provide a different way of examining Singapore's perception of its position in relation to other cities in the world and highlight key areas that Singapore needs to develop as it seeks to truly become a Global City for the Arts. By expanding and extending Bourdieu's concepts of 'field' and 'habitus', I show how the Government firstly, uses a variety of rules and regulations to manage the cultural production of arts and culture in Singapore and secondly, how it attempts to inculcate an appreciation of a specific aesthetic style in both Singaporean artists and audiences. I argue that Singapore's quest to become a Global City for the Arts is stymied due to its inability to develop a meaningful international global profile through the way it attempts to micro-manage the creation, production and consumption of culture in Singapore. These issues coupled with a rapidly changing Singapore society only serve to undermine Singapore's attempt to become a Capital of Culture. I assert that unless there is a fundamental shift in the way policy directives are implemented and enforced in Singapore, it is highly unlikely that Singapore can truly attain its goal of becoming a Global City for the Arts.

This thesis examines the operation of morally asymmetrical distinctions in the discourse produced in advance of the invasion of Iraq in March 2003. It does not set out to explain the invasion's occurrence, but, based upon the analysis of media texts, parliamentary debates, and political speeches, focuses upon aspects of the processes of justification and criticism preceding invasion. It blends together aspects of the work of Michel Foucault and Niklas Luhmann, with insights drawn from various approaches to the analysis of discourse and communication, in pursuit of an understanding of how the discursive space available to contributors to debate is restricted. It pays close attention to the closely related processes of 'disclaiming' and 'ontological gerrymandering' - interventions which are concerned with controlling what is, and is not, the case - particularly in terms of the way that they are orientated towards controlling how the person making them is to be observed. It is argued that the circulation of the illegitimacy of various positions puts some contributors at risk of being observed according to the more negative side of a morally asymmetrical distinction. It is argued that this creates 'difficulty' for them, and incites their engagement in particular forms of discursive work in the attempt to avoid illegitimacy themselves. Close attention is paid to any observable regularities in the ways in which contributors attempted to avoid having their position associated with, amongst other things, 'anti-Americanism', 'appeasement', 'pacifism', 'warmongering', or a 'pro-Saddam' stance, all of which would threaten their legitimacy. A variety of techniques are identified, including the invocation of a contributor's history of positions (their 'communicative career'), as well as their use of their allegedly less legitimate context-specific allies as a contrastive foil, at the expense of whom they claim their own legitimacy.

The thesis is an attempt to examine the Labour Party's involvement with the question of Palestine from the time of the party's first declaration on the subject in 1917 to the de facto recognition by a Labour Government of the State of Israel in January 1949. It considers the development of attitudes within the Labour Party, primarily those of the party leaders and policy makers, but also of the wider party membership, on the questions of Zionism, the Palestinian Arabs, the role of the British Mandatory Government, and the future of Palestine. It also discusses the formulation and content of official party policy throughout the period, and the part played by groups representing Zionists and Arab interests, in particular the Jewish Socialist Labour Party, Poale Zion. The thesis also assesses the extent to which the Labour Party was able to influence the Palestine policies of successive British Governments. During two crucial periods, between 1929 and 1931, and from 1945 to 1949, Labour Governments held office. Both periods are considered exclusively with the aim of examining reactions within sections of the Labour Party to the policies pursued, and the influence such attitudes had on Government policy.