The issue of the Baluchi people, their rights and their plight in the state of Iran has been increasingly noticed by observers and academics over the last few decades. Many studies have merely looked at these issues from specific nationalistic and ethnic perspectives. What is missing in the literature on this particular subject is an examination of the ultra-ideological structure of the Iranian state constituted by a certain definition of Shi’a that has had a deepening effect on the existing chasm between the Sunni Baluchies and the mainstream Shi’a population of Iran. The more the state focused Iranian nationality on Shi’i identity, the more ethno- religious identity mattered to minorities. In addition, lack of economic development, an expansion of drug trafficking, tribal attitudes with cultural traditionalism and the growing influence of Sunni extremism have contributed to the continuous tension between the Baluchies and the Iranian state. These factors have played a determining role in creating the present conflict and addressing them can illuminate one to better assertion of applicable theories and facts. The Iranian state has experienced two completely different political structure in regards to the role of religion, but during both the secular Pahlavi regime and the Shi’a-led Islamic Republic one can see that the plight of Baluchi people has remained to be an issue. In this research, I will endeavour to study the impact of religion on state structures and its effects on the Baluchies in Sistan and Baluchistan, with special focus on the institutionalised inequality embedded in Iranian political and legal structure. Such inequality has resulted in continuous conflict and violence in the region.

This thesis considers what it means to be and belong as Afghan in Delhi today. It argues that Afghan belonging in Delhi must be understood as inherently multiple and articulated at different scales, and that this multiplicity must be further considered with regard to the varying influence of different conceptions of belonging in migrants' everyday life. Chapters one and two present the thesis' methodological and theoretical framework, bringing together anthropological research on Afghanistan with work on personhood, ontology, and ethics. The subsequent four ethnographic chapters explore ideas of Afghan belonging in Delhi at the scales of state, individual, and community. To frame the argument, chapter three presents the state scale understanding of Afghan migrants as individuals belonging to an Afghan community rooted in the territory of Afghanistan, whose story of migration determines the legality of their presence in Delhi. Chapters four and five turn to the individual scale to respectively demonstrate how complex and varied trajectories of movement belie facile categorization of migrants as legal or illegal, and how they shape and reflect Afghan migrants' diverse affective and material ties to the city. Chapter six depicts how this diversity is also articulated at the scale of community through a comparison of two Afghan communities in the city. The ethnography illustrates how despite the fact that Afghan migrants conceive of and express multiple ways of being and belonging in Delhi, how they inhabit the city is contingent on their access to financial and social resources, and thus indicative of wider issues of belonging and urban citizenship in Delhi today. While contributing to the study of Afghan migration and urban life in India, the thesis also adds to broader discussions of personhood and relatedness by bringing together insights from anthropological research on ontology, ethics, and morality.

This study is built around two core questions. Firstly, what constitutes the formation of Kurdish identity in the Kurdistan Region-Iraq (KRI)? Secondly, what have the inner dynamics of this process been since 1991? Two major theoretical approaches are used to address these questions, namely ethno-symbolism and political discourse theory (PDT). These theories are utilised to approach the research questions on two levels: the cultural-historical and the political; and result in four major findings regarding the inner dynamics of collective identity formation in the KRI. Firstly, it is found that actors active in the process of collective identity formation are primarily nationalist political parties and intellectuals. Secondly, that Kurdish identity in the region forms around ‘Kurdish’ ethnic, cultural and historical features. Thirdly, that a large set of cultural and historical tools have been utilised to produce Kurdish identity in the KRI. Fourthly, that different forms of Kurdish identity have been produced in the KRI, meaning that Kurdishness in the region is split, fragmented, relational and crisis-ridden. This study also argues that the process of Kurdish identity formation in the KRI from 1991 to 2014 can be divided into three II historic phases. The first of these stretched from 1991 to 2003 and saw the ambiguous development of a traditional Kurdish ethno-nationalist identity; the second lasted from 2003 to 2009 and saw the development of an ambiguous Kurdish nationalist identity; whilst the third stretches from 2009 to the present and has seen Kurdish identity acquire a civic character in response to newly emerged political, social and economic conditions in the KRI. The study also combines the theoretical and methodological approaches of ethno-symbolism’s culturist approach and PDT’s social constructionism in order to develop an approach suitable for studying the complexities of Kurdish identity formation in the KRI. The resulting argument is that whilst Kurdish cultural and historical features play an essential role in producing the Kurdish identity in the KRI, this identity is produced in the discursive realm by competing social and political actors, each of which seeks to hegemonise their own particular form of Kurdish identity.

Using concepts by Homi Bhabha (1994) such as ‘hybridity’, ‘in-betweens’ and ‘third space’ the aim of this thesis is to investigate the tensions between identity, location, culture and belonging in an attempt to understand how Iranians who have moved to Newcastle upon Tyne renegotiate their cultural identity, and create a sense of home and belonging in a new space. A diasporic space, formed in the interstices between their re-imaginings of Iran as home (religious, cultural and national), and their desire to create a home in the UK. In order to explore these ideas further, this thesis used ethnography to access the members’ everyday lives and conducted biographical interviews to gain an in-depth perspective on their lives in Iran, their decision to leave Iran, their process of migration and re-settlement in the UK. This thesis will demonstrate that although post-modern concepts have moved away from fixed notions of diaspora and identity, towards notions of fluidity and renegotiation; the members of this Iranian community attempt to fix and essentialise their Iranian cultural identity in order to distance themselves from the Islamic Republic on the one hand, whilst embracing their cultural hybridity on the other.

Kurds are the largest ethnic group in Turkey; they have been at the centre of conflict since the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923. Scattered across Turkey, with their own language, distinct from the official language of the state, and historically subject to the state’s homogenisation policies, Kurds present an interesting case for scholars of ethnicity. How does this history affect the way ‘Kurdishness’ is manifested? While Kurds’ relationship with the Turkish state and increasingly their everyday lives been widely studied, the diversity of the Kurdish experience in Turkey is not well understood. Drawing on the literature on boundary theory pioneered by Frederick Barth (1969) and developed by Andreas Wimmer (2013) among others, this thesis explores manifestations of ‘Kurdishness’ in Turkey. To do this, this thesis is interested in the role that state rhetoric, region and language play. The research design sought to capture something of the diversity of Kurdish experience across Turkey, specifically in Western Turkey (Istanbul, which has the largest Kurdish population within Turkey, and Ayvalık, a small town with certain Kurdish districts) and Southeast Turkey (multi-ethnic Mardin, Diyarbakır, the ‘spiritual capital’ for Kurds, and Derik, a small town predominated by Kurds). The research utilised three methods: semi-structured interviews, participant observation, and document analysis. 33 semi-structured interviews were conducted with Kurdish respondents, both native- and non-native speakers of Kurdish. Participant observation was also undertaken. This data was collected between January and May 2013, with follow-up research conducted in June 2014. In addition, party documents, speeches and statements by party leaders, and selected laws from the early Republican period (1923-1938) and the AKP period (from 2002 to the present) were analysed. This research suggests that ‘Kurdishness’ in Turkey is manifested in different forms. Instead of taking ‘Kurdishness’ as a matter of degree, this thesis suggests that individuals exhibit ‘Kurdishness’ in a variety of forms. Context is key. The thesis first examines the role of state rhetoric in categorising Kurdishness during two ‘moments of transition’, the creation of the Kemalist Republic and the advent of the AKP in power. It is suggested that not only changes but also continuities in state rhetoric play a significant role in the construction of ‘Kurdishness’ in these two moments. There is regional dimension to the display of Kurdishness. Specifically the boundaries of what constitutes Kurdishness contrast markedly by region. This is reflected in my respondents’ experience of discrimination and prejudice in their interactions with non-Kurds. Finally, family and neighbourhood also play a key role in shaping different forms. Specifically, the use of language in these environments plays an important role in shaping different forms of ‘Kurdishness’.

Την δεκαετία 2000-2010 το ελληνικό κράτος παρεμβαίνει στους πληθυσμούς των Τσιγγάνων μέσω δύο προγραμμάτων: του Ολοκληρωμένου προγράμματος Δράσης για την Κοινωνική Ένταξη των Ελλήνων Τσιγγάνων και του Προγράμματος Ένταξης των Τσιγγανοπαίδων στο Σχολείο. Το πρώτο πρόγραμμα που υλοποιείται από το τότε ΥΠΕΣΔΔΑ στόχο έχει να μεριμνήσει για τη χορήγηση εγγυημένων δανείων στους Τσιγγάνους προκειμένου να ενταχθούν οικιστικά αποκτώντας ιδιόκτητη κατοικία. Το δεύτερο πρόγραμμα υλοποιείται από το ΥΠΕΠΘ και αφορά την Ένταξη των Τσιγγανοπαίδων στο Σχολείο, μέσα από ένα πλέγμα ενεργειών. Στην παρούσα έρευνα εξετάζουμε την ένταξη των οικογενειών των Τσιγγάνων ως παράγοντα που διαφοροποιεί την φοίτηση των Τσιγγανοπαίδων. Εξετάζουμε αν η οικιστική, κοινωνική, οικονομική και εκπαιδευτική ένταξη των οικογενειών των Τσιγγάνων διαφοροποιεί ποσοτικά και ποιοτικά τη φοίτηση των τέκνων τους. Η βασική μας υπόθεση ότι η ένταξη των οικογενειών των τσιγγανοπαίδων στον κοινωνικό ιστό του τόπου κατοικίας, οι αντιλήψεις των τσιγγάνων γονέων για τη φοίτηση των τσιγγανοπαίδων και οι σχετικές πρακτικές, η αξιοποίηση - διάθεση του ελεύθερου χρόνου τόσο των οικογενειών γενικά όσο και των τσιγγανοπαίδων ειδικά, η τυχόν παραβατικότητα και οι πολιτισμικές ομοιότητες και διαφορές επηρεάζουν τη φοίτηση των τσιγγανοπαίδων. Η έρευνα είναι ποιοτικής μεθοδολογίας. Βασίζεται σε συνδυασμό παρατήρησης και ανοικτής συνέντευξης με τους γονείς. Στο κείμενο των συνεντεύξεων έχει γίνει ανάλυση κειμένου. Παράλληλα έχουν χρησιμοποιηθεί στοιχεία από παρατήρηση των Τσιγγάνων μαθητών στη σχολική τάξη και το προαύλιο και συνεντεύξεις με τους ίδιους και τους δασκάλους τους. Το θεωρητικό πλαίσιο που χρησιμοποιήσαμε εντάσσεται στη Νέα Κοινωνιολογία Της Εκπαίδευσης και συγκεκριμένα στο θεωρητικό σχήμα του Basil Bernstein. Tα αποτελέσματα της έρευνας επιβεβαιώνουν σε ένα μεγάλο βαθμό την αρχική μας υπόθεση. / The sociological dimension of the present study is based on the observation that the Greek contemporary educational system is demanded to solve the problems of an even more complicated social phenomenon: the integration of the Greek Gypsies. Considering the social framework of the modern educational system we claim that parental strategies could have deep positive impact not only on the acquisition of knowledge but also on social action. We argue that B. Bernstein’s theoretical framework relates, theoretically as well as methodologically, to the integration process of the young Gypsies in the school classroom. The methodology of the specific research process is based on the qualitative techniques of observation, interview and content analysis.

Στην παρούσα μελέτη διερευνώνται η πρόσληψη, η επένδυση και οι πρακτικές των τσιγγάνων στην εκπαίδευση, στη δημοτική ενότητα των Σαγαιΐκων, του δήμου Δυτικής Αχαΐας. Πιο συγκεκριμένα εξετάζονται οι αντιλήψεις των τσιγγάνων για το σχολείο και τη σχολική φοίτηση και η επένδυσή τους στην εκπαίδευση μέσα από τις πρακτικές τους. Για την κατανόησή τους, τα εντάσσουμε και δίνουμε ιδιαίτερο βάρος στο ευρύτερο κοινωνικό περιβάλλον και τα πολιτισμικά στοιχεία της ομάδας των τσιγγάνων. Πέρα από τη συναφή βιβλιογραφία, η έρευνα στηρίζεται σε ομαδικές, εις βάθος συνεντεύξεις με τσιγγάνους, στον τρόπο ζωής τους και σε επιτόπια παρατήρηση. Σε ότι αφορά την ερμηνεία στηριχτήκαμε στο θεωρητικό πλαίσιο του Basil Bernstein. Από την έρευνα προέκυψε ότι οι τσιγγάνοι έχουν εργαλειακή αντίληψη για το σχολείο. Έχουν επίσης μεγάλα ποσοστά σχολικής διαρροής και αυτό το αποδίδουμε κυρίως σε εξωγενείς και δευτερευόντως σε ενδογενείς παράγοντες. / In this study we investigate the recruitment, investment and practices of Gypsy education, of the municipal unity Sagaiika of West Achaea. More specifically it is examined the perceptions of gypsies for school and schooling and their investment in education through their practices. For these to be understood, we incorporate and focus on the broader social environment and gypsies’ culture. The research builds on group interviews with Gypsies, the way of their living and at field observation. Regarding to the interpretation, we based on the theoretical framework of Basil Bernstein. The investigation revealed that the gypsies have instrumental view of the school. They also have high rates of school dropouts and this was attributed to external factors mainly and to internal secondarily.

This study analyses the ways in which gender relations are expressed and articulated through the use of folk proverbs amongst Pashto-speaking people of Pakistan. Previous work on Pashto proverbs have romanticised proverbs as a cultural asset and a source of Pashtun pride and ethnic identity, and most studies have aimed to promote or preserve folk proverbs. However, there is little recognition in previous literature of the sexist and gendered role of proverbs in Pashtun society. This study argues that Pashto proverbs encode and promote a patriarchal view and sexist ideology, demonstrating this with the help of proverbs as text as well as proverbs performance in context by Pashto speakers. The analysis is based on more than 500 proverbs relating to gender, collected from both published sources and through ethnographic fieldwork in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan. Qualitative data was collected through 40 interviews conducted with Pashto-speaking men and women of various ages and class/educational backgrounds, along with informal discussions with local people and the personal observations of the researcher. The study is informed by a combination of theoretical approaches including folkloristics, feminist sociology and sociolinguistics. While establishing that patriarchal structures and values are transmitted through proverbs, the study also reveals that proverbs’ meanings and messages are context-bound and women may, therefore, use proverbs in order to discuss, contest and (sometimes) undermine gender ideologies. More specifically, it is argued that: (1) Proverbs as ‘wisdom texts’ represent the viewpoint of those having the authority to define proper and improper behaviour, and as such, rather than objective reality represent a partial and partisan reality which, in the context of the present research, is sexist and misogynist. (2) While proverbs as ‘texts’ seem to present a more fixed view of reality, proverbs as ‘performance in context’ suggest that different speakers may use proverbs for different strategic purposes, such as to establish and negotiate ethnic and gendered identities and power which varies on the basis of gender, age, ethnicity, and class of the interlocutors. The thesis concludes that, rather than considering folk proverbs as ‘factual’ and ‘valuable’ sources of cultural expression, scholars should pay more attention to their ‘performatory’, ‘derogatory’ and ‘declaratory’ aspects as these often relegate women (and ‘other’, weaker groups) to a lesser position in society.