Abstract Women are usually represented as victims in the literature on conflict and conflict resolution. While women are indeed victims of violence in the context of conflict, this representation excludes the experiences of women who have joined and fought in illegal armed groups. Little is known about the lives of women who fight alongside men in illegal militarized organizations. These women are often overlooked during peace negotiations and in the design and implementation of Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration programs, affecting their conditions and experiences during the transition to civilian life. The Colombian conflict presents an important case study regarding the militarization of women in illegal armed groups, and the experience of demobilization, and is the focus of this dissertation. To address this case study, the concept of “militarized gender performativity” is advanced, drawing on the works of Cynthia Enloe and Judith Butler. In the Colombian case, both left–wing and right–wing armed groups have incorporated women into their ranks. This research elucidates the effects of non–state militarism on the social processes that produce and reproduce gender systems in two of Colombia’s illegal armed groups, uncovering how the FARC and the AUC construct, negotiate, challenge, or reinforce gender roles. The research indicates that there are significant differences in the way this is done. Interviews with ex–combatants from the FARC and the AUC show that women’s sexuality plays a central role in the militarization of women combatants in both organizations, but there are specific policies that establish the nature of the relationships in each group. These differences represent distinct militarized femininities which maintain aspects of traditional gender relations while transforming others according to the needs of the organization in question. The transformation of gender identities in each of the armed groups reveals the performative nature of gender roles in a militarized context. / Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2012-09-25 09:45:29.283

This thesis sets out to explore the processes of disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) of female ex-combatants in Sierra Leone within the context of post-conflict peace building. International and local stakeholders including the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL), the National Commission for Disarmament, Demobilisation Reintegration (NCDDR) and World Bank were responsible for DDR. The DDR of female adult combatants and girl soldiers was essential as part of the broader strategies to prevent the reoccurrence of violence and creating conditions for sustainable peace and development. It was aimed at transforming female ex-combatants into a civilian status congruent with peace after eleven years of horrific civil war in Sierra Leone that involved rebel forces, principally the Revolutionary United Front (RUF), the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC), and the government‘s Civil Defence Forces (CDF). The DDR process has been criticized in that female ex-combatants were often invisible and their needs disregarded. This study investigates the role of women in post-conflict peace building efforts, specifically DDR in Sierra Leone. Its nub is to critically assess the design, implementation and impact of the DDR of female ex-combatants. It focuses particularly on how female combatants are affected by current gender, security and international relations discourses. It assesses the progress made by the relevant international and local institutions in implementing international policies and guidelines on the DDR of female ex-combatants, in Sierra Leone; draws wider conclusions about achievements made and suggests lessons that may be applicable widely.

The recruitment, enlistment and forceful conscription of children as soldiers is a cause for grave concern all over the world and most especially in Africa, where years of factional fighting, civil wars and cross border conflicts have raged, children and youth have been pulled into violence not only as victims, but also as perpetrators. The involvement of children in war posses a severe challenge to prevailing moral and legal norms of the conduct of modern warfare. A major problem and most controversial issue, among others, is on the age at which children should be eligible to become combatants. Children, who may be viewed as a valuable resource due to their often inherent malleability, wish to avenge family member(s) killed in war, sense of immunity to danger, and or feeling of power in participating in the violence. Can the use of children as soldiers be effectively regulated in Africa? All efforts to assist child soldiers in recovering from the devastating effects of wars often unwillingly helped promote the growing number of child soldiers. This is in part because wars are now more fought internally among rebel armies and factions vying for power with the government and thus enlist children into their various armies. The study comes to a conclusion that drastic steps need to be taken to ameliorate this unfortunate situation. This formed the basis of the recommendations offered in the thesis to assist the African continent.

Whilst the role of Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programs was to neutralize armed groups and restore sustainable stability in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the proliferation of armed groups witnessed between 2013 and 2018 in the Kivu region interrogate the efficacy of implemented DDR programs. The DRC faces serious setbacks in terms of socio-economic and political development due to the presence of many armed groups oscillating in the eastern parts of the country, particularly the Kivu region. This situation poses peace and security problems not for the DRC alone but for the Great Lakes region. To stabilize this region, the DRC government and its International partners employed DDR programs as mechanisms to neutralize armed groups and reinstate sustainable peace and security. However, despite these efforts, there has been a rapid increase of non-state armed groups between 2013 and 2018 and an increase in violence against civilians leading to the displacement of millions of people. This study investigates the dynamics of various factors behind the creation of armed groups, their proliferation and resistance to DDR programs. The study reveals that there have been long grievances and unresolved crises behind armed groups’ resistance in the Kivu region including ethnic antagonism and resentment between autochthonous citizens and Kinyarwanda speakers; and the socio-economic deprivation, hardship of life and feeling of marginalization by the central government. This dissertation delineates better approaches to address the problem of armed groups and succeed in future DDR programs such as the establishment of a long-term reconciliation mechanism to address ethnic resentment created by war within communities in the Kivu region; and a national development plan guaranteeing socio-economic opportunities (income generating activities) to citizens in the Kivu region. This study uses a qualitative research approach to investigate the dynamics of non-state armed groups and disarmament challenges in the DRC. / Dissertation (MA (Political Sciences))--University of Pretoria, 2020. / Mastercard Scholarship foundation / Political Sciences / MA (Political Sciences) / Unrestricted

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Management, University of the Witwatersrand, in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree Master of Management (in the field of Public and Development Management) 2016 / The purpose of this research study was to obtain the views and perceptions of Namibia veterans of the People’s Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN), the armed wingof SWAPO, on compensation as a part of the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) process. This process compensates former freedom fighters as a reward for having contributed to the liberation struggle. DDR is one of the most important peace stabilising tools that is internationally recognised and the UN has adopted it as a pre-requisite for any peace agreement process in countrieswhich had experienced violent conflict. The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the war veterans’ perception regarding ‘compensation’ being paid as a reward to former fighters of the Namibia liberation struggle by the Ministry of Veterans’ Affairs.Structured interviews were conducted to collect data, and data analysis was done by identifying themes.Microsoft Excel statistics functions were used to calculate the totals, produce tables, graphs and pie charts. The main finding of the study was that the former freedom fighters were facing many challenges and the government was far from addressing these challenges in their totality. The study found that the government was committed to address the plight of the former freedom fighters; however, the implementation of such a programme was fraught with challenges, such as the lack of resources and good governance. Moreover, the study established that the reintegration process was not addressing the issues of both groups of ex-combatants in Namibia. / GR2018

This thesis seeks to explain how democracies emerge out of the ashes of civil wars. This paper envisions transitions to democracy after a civil war largely as a function of the peace process. Democracy is thought of as a medium through which solutions to the problems and issues over which the civil war was fought can be solved without violence. Transitions to democracy are more likely if there is a large bargaining space and the problems of credible commitments to democratization can be solved. Democratization is more likely if four conditions exist in a state after the civil war: a negotiated settlement, credible commitments via international enforcement, demobilization, and a cooperative international environment. The hypotheses derived are tested through an event history analysis for two different standards of democracy. The results suggest that factors indicative of all four theoretical concepts contribute to the likelihood of democratization after a civil war.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts / This study is an analysis of the social integration of demobilised soldiers in Mozambique, in the context of post-war social reconstruction. De-constructing the concept of "reintegration" that informed the top-down programmes designed for the social integration of ex-combatants, that dichotomize society into the military sphere and the civilian one, so that the process into which ex-combatants are involved after leaving the Army is one of "returning home", as society remaining the same or in a moving equilibrium, one saw society- marked by social differentiations, even amongst the demobilised ex-combatants. The ideal of "sameness" between "civilians" and ex-combatants involved in the concept of reintegration seems more an utopia. This research used previous studies of my colleagues. In criticizing them, I do not wish to create the impression that these works are of little value. Their analysis stand from very different disciplinary approaches, and with others aims. The major weakness I often saw was the indefinition of the terms they use and the mix of concepts like social integration and reintegration as having the same meaning. Other documentary research was carried out, and as the study included the understanding of meanings, values, individual actions and social interactions, in order to capture the meaningfulness of such life other qualitative methods were employed as the informal interviews, the use of key informants, participation in and observation of events in the setting. Looking society in a dynamic change, social integration is regarded as the process of negotiation of a common social order between actors in interaction (demobilised soldiers, other social groupings, and institutions like the state). It is better approached using the concept of integration. As an interactive process it is marked by a tension between the affirmation of the individuality of actors and the will to the sense of community. In its course different actors mobilise and use different identities according to the situations. avoiding or erasing specificities of previous socializations and identities and highlighting others. This study is an analysis of the social integration of demobilised soldiers in Mozambique, in the context of post-war social reconstruction. De-constructing the concept of "reintegration" that informed the top-down programmes designed for the social integration of ex-combatants, that dichotomize society into the military sphere and the civil one, so that the process into which ex-combatants is one of "returning home", as society remaining the same or in a moving equilibrium, one saw society full of differentiations, even within the groups social defined as "demobilised soldiers". The ideal of "sameness" involved in the concept of reintegration seems more an utopia. Society is full of social differentiation, and the group of demobiIised soldiers also inmarked by differences of gender, age, marital status, previous military affiliation and rank, control of resources and social status in the living/working place, marital status. This study used previous studies of my colleagues. In criticizing them, I do not wish to create the impression that these works are of little value. Their analysis stand from very different disciplinary approaches, and with others aims. The major weakness I often saw was the indefinition of the terms they use and the mix of concepts like social integration and reintegration as having the same meaning. Other documentary research was carried out, and as the study included the understanding of meanings, values, individual actions and social interactions, to capture the meaningfulness of such life other qualitative methods were employed: informal interviews, the use of key informants, participation in and observation of events in the setting. Looking society in a dynamic change, the process of negotiation of a social order between actors in interaction (demobilised soldiers, other social groupings, and institutions like the state) is better approached using the concept of social integration. As an interactive process, in its course different actors mobilise and use different identities, the most convenient for each occasion, in a way that sometimes involves the attempt to erase specificities of previous socializations and identities. / Andrew Chakane 2019

Liberia emerged from 14 years of brutal civil conflict, demobilized and “reintegrated” large numbers of ex-combatants, but there are still concerns about ex-combatants’ re-engagement in violence. Yet, adequate knowledge and empirical evidence about this are still sketchy. Qualitative fieldwork among ex-combatants conducted in five locations in Monrovia from 2012-2013, suggests that ex-combatants are re-marginalized. This research presents excombatants’ current status, their re-marginalization, and factors indicative of their re-engagement in violence in post-conflict Liberia. The study contends that ex-combatants were apparently not satisfied with the outcome of the DDRR programme, as it failed to reintegrate them successfully. The study developed a four dimensional analytical framework that includes, (a) re-marginalization (b) re-criminalization (c) exploitation, and (d) economic insecurity, which are then applied to the outcome of the reintegration of ex-combatants in Liberia. On the basis of the data collected in fieldwork, the analytical framework reveals how these factors and dynamics interacted and facilitated the occurrence of violence. The study argues that an awareness of ex-combatants’ vulnerability and re-marginalization should put state actors in a position to better predict their violent inclinations. It further notes that ex-combatant re-engagement in violence is largely manifested at the political and economic levels and this has the potential to lead to a renewed conflict if not mitigated. This study by no means completes the tasks of research and analysis on violence and excombatants, but it outlines theoretical propositions and conclusions, which can hopefully spark further debate and collective efforts among researchers to push this field of study forward.

This thesis examines the intersection between sex, gender, and armed conflict through an analysis of the female combatant experience. It combines anecdotal evidence and quantitative data from various armed conflicts within the past 50 years to reveal how sexism and gendered conceptions of war influence virtually all aspects of the experience of women and girl combatants. Recognizing sexism as a major player in the recruitment, wartime treatment, demobilization, and reintegration of women and girl combatants, it identifies disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration programs as intervention points where gender-aware planning and implementation can improve outcomes for female combatants in the transition to peace.

In ca. 75% der weltweiten Kriege und bewaffneten Konflikte sind Kindersoldaten involviert; diese Fakten lassen die Kindersoldatenproblematik zu einem weltumspannenden Problem werden. Weltweit sind ca. 300.000 Kindersoldaten unter achtzehn Jahren in kriegerische Konflikte eingebunden und als Soldaten, Träger, Boten, Minensucher oder in anderweitigen Diensten tätig. Das Schicksal der Kindersoldaten lässt sich vor allem in Asien und Afrika feststellen. Auf beiden Kontinenten werden sogar 7- bis 12-Jährige in kriegerische Auseinandersetzungen verwickelt. Nach dem United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) ist die größte Anzahl an Kindersoldaten in Afrika zu finden, was auch mit der Tatsache in Zusammenhang steht, dass die meisten Konflikte heutzutage auf dem Afrikanischen Kontinent ausgetragen werden. Von großer erziehungswissenschaftlicher Bedeutung ist das Thema, da Kinder und Jugendliche, die mit kriegerischen Konfliktsituationen aufwachsen und unter diesen Bedingungen sozialisiert werden, selbst bereit sind, Gewalt auszuüben. Das gilt selbstverständlich bereits für Kinder und Jugendliche, die zwar nicht als Kombattanten in das Kriegsgeschehen verwickelt werden, aber von denen dennoch Gewalt als ein alltäglicher Zustand erfahren wird. Gesellschaftliche Werte, wie zum Beispiel Hilfsbereitschaft oder der friedliche Umgang miteinander, werden durch die generalisierte Gewalt auf eine harte Probe gestellt. Das Handeln der Erwachsenen ist durch den kriegerischen Kontext bestimmt und die gesellschaftlichen Werte werden dadurch insgesamt verändert. Kinder und Jugendliche, die in kriegerischen Situationen aufwachsen, haben zudem nur selten die Möglichkeit, eine Ausbildung zu absolvieren und sich somit eine Perspektive für die Zukunft abseits des Kampfes zu sichern. Sie fühlen sich häufig allein gelassen, machtlos und schutzlos. In diesen hoffnungslosen Lebensumständen ist ein Anschluss an eine gewaltbereite Gruppe für einige Kinder und Jugendliche ein Weg, Nahrung, Schutz und eine kurzfristige – am bloßen Überleben orientierte - Perspektive zu gewinnen. Werden die Kinder und Jugendlichen zu Mitgliedern gewaltbereiter Gruppen, so wachsen sie in einem System der Gewalt auf, in dem sie lernen, sich mit Gewalt ihren Lebensunterhalt und ihr Überleben zu sichern. Ein Teufelskreis entsteht, in dessen Kern die Frage steht, wie Kinder und Jungendliche, die keinen Frieden und auch keinen friedvollen Umgang mit sich selbst und anderen Personen kennen, als Zivilisten Frieden schaffen können. Die Problematik der Kindersoldaten stellt also nicht nur eine Bedrohung der Kindheit, sondern eine Bedrohung der zivilen Gesellschaftsstruktur dar, gefährdet die regionale Stabilität und somit die Chancen folgender Generationen, dem Schicksal des Kindersoldatentums zu entgehen. / Worldwide about 300,000 child soldiers under eighteen years of age are involved in armed conflicts as soldiers, porters, messengers or other services. The fate of child soldiers is particularly in Asia and Africa identified. On both continents are even 7 - up to 12-year-old implicated in armed conflicts. According to the United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund (UNICEF) the largest number of child soldiers is found in Africa, which is also related to the fact that most conflicts today are held on the African continent. Children and adolescents, who grow up during armed conflict and are socialiesed under these conditions are willing to use violence. They experience violence as a condition of everyday. Social values, such as peaceful dealings with each other, are affected by the generalized violence. Children and young people who grow up in war situations, have also rarely the possibility of training and school education. They often feel alone, helpless and defenceless without having a perspective for their future. In these desperate living conditions an active affiliation with a violent group is for some children and adolescents a way to gain food, protection and a short-term-perspective which is oriented on mere survival.