Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:29:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-08-25Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:48:36Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 rampin_ttd_me_fran_parcial.pdf: 338000 bytes, checksum: f7cc7dee8ca21508e025580ec36f3c81 (MD5) Bitstreams deleted on 2015-06-03T11:42:33Z: rampin_ttd_me_fran_parcial.pdf,. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-06-03T11:44:02Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000688096_20150825.pdf: 337697 bytes, checksum: 4df1a04ac0bc7fb982a2c0557a6d521d (MD5) Bitstreams deleted on 2015-08-28T16:09:00Z: 000688096_20150825.pdf,. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-08-28T16:10:01Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000688096.pdf: 2345505 bytes, checksum: b51f3444dfa26ea1d7c3e13f0b81323a (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Este trabalho estuda a tutela coletiva como pressuposto conformador do Estado Democrático de Direito brasileiro, para tanto, adota como possibilidades a conformação-conformista (utilização da tutela para resignar a realidade, realizar a manutenção do status quo) e a conformação-libertária (utilização da tutela para construir a democracia, emancipando sujeitos e designando um projeto de direito enquanto liberdade). Analisa os contornos do Estado Democrático de Direito brasileiro, enquanto hipótese sui generis da vertente constitucional, problematizando a funcionalidade do direito enquanto fenômeno decisório vinculado ao poder e enquanto ontologia estatal (constituindo, pois, uma totalidade jurídica). Investiga as particularidades da ordem jurídica estabelecida pela ruptura constitucional de 1988, destacando os reflexos sentidos pela irradiação do preceito democrático nos elementos estruturantes do Estado, em especial, os instrumentos dispostos para efetivar o direito de acesso à justiça coletiva. Problematiza a coletivização de direitos e o acesso à justiça coletiva como direitos fundamentais. Traça um panorama da tutela coletiva brasileira, sistematizando conceitos e indicando os instrumentos de judicialização de direitos coletivos, dentre os quais destacam-se as espécies de tutelas existentes, os procedimentos processuais coletivos comuns e especiais, e as principais figuras de acionamento judicial. Analisa o movimento pela codificação do direito processual coletivo, através dos principais modelos concebidos. Analisa o projeto de lei n.5.139 de 2009, que teve por objeto dar um novo regramento à ação civil pública enquanto procedimento comum coletivo. Propugna por uma principiologia processual coletiva, questionando a funcionalidade dos princípios para a realização dos direitos fundamentais... / This work studies the collective protection as brazilian democract state of law assumptions, to this end, adopts the conformation-conformist possibilities (use of guardianship to resign reality, perform maintenance of the status quo) and conformation-libertarian (use of guardianship to build democracy, freeing individuals and assigning a project of law as freedom). It analyzes the contours of a democratic state of Brazil, as sui generis case of constitutional dimension, questioning the functionality of law as a phenomenon linked to power and decision-making while state ontology (constituting therefore a whole entity). Investigates the particularities of the legal order established by the rupture of the 1988 Constitution, outlining the consequences felt by the irradiation of democratic rule in the structural elements of the state, in particular the willing instruments to effect the right of access to justice conference. Discusses the collectivization of rights and access to justice and collective rights. Provides an overview of the Brazilian collective protection, systematizing concepts and indicating instruments legalization of collective rights, among which are the species of existing guardianships, court procedures and special collective common, and the main drive judicial figures. It analyzes the movement for codification of procedural collective, through the main designed templates. Analyzes the bill n.5.139 2009, which aimed to give a new regramento the civil action as collective common procedure. Advocates of principles for a procedural conference, questioning the functionality of principles for the realization of fundamental rights, as well as philosophical paradigms, scientific and political force in law. Studying the collective protection as an instrument for shaping reality-conformist, using the case study in collective... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

Orientador: Yvete Flávio da Costa / Banca: David Sánchez Rubio / Banca: Fabiana Cristina Severi / Resumo: Este trabalho estuda a tutela coletiva como pressuposto conformador do Estado Democrático de Direito brasileiro, para tanto, adota como possibilidades a conformação-conformista (utilização da tutela para resignar a realidade, realizar a manutenção do status quo) e a conformação-libertária (utilização da tutela para construir a democracia, emancipando sujeitos e designando um projeto de direito enquanto liberdade). Analisa os contornos do Estado Democrático de Direito brasileiro, enquanto hipótese sui generis da vertente constitucional, problematizando a funcionalidade do direito enquanto fenômeno decisório vinculado ao poder e enquanto ontologia estatal (constituindo, pois, uma totalidade jurídica). Investiga as particularidades da ordem jurídica estabelecida pela ruptura constitucional de 1988, destacando os reflexos sentidos pela irradiação do preceito democrático nos elementos estruturantes do Estado, em especial, os instrumentos dispostos para efetivar o direito de acesso à justiça coletiva. Problematiza a coletivização de direitos e o acesso à justiça coletiva como direitos fundamentais. Traça um panorama da tutela coletiva brasileira, sistematizando conceitos e indicando os instrumentos de judicialização de direitos coletivos, dentre os quais destacam-se as espécies de tutelas existentes, os procedimentos processuais coletivos comuns e especiais, e as principais figuras de acionamento judicial. Analisa o movimento pela codificação do direito processual coletivo, através dos principais modelos concebidos. Analisa o projeto de lei n.5.139 de 2009, que teve por objeto dar um novo regramento à ação civil pública enquanto procedimento comum coletivo. Propugna por uma principiologia processual coletiva, questionando a funcionalidade dos princípios para a realização dos direitos fundamentais... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This work studies the collective protection as brazilian democract state of law assumptions, to this end, adopts the conformation-conformist possibilities (use of guardianship to resign reality, perform maintenance of the status quo) and conformation-libertarian (use of guardianship to build democracy, freeing individuals and assigning a project of law as freedom). It analyzes the contours of a democratic state of Brazil, as sui generis case of constitutional dimension, questioning the functionality of law as a phenomenon linked to power and decision-making while state ontology (constituting therefore a whole entity). Investigates the particularities of the legal order established by the rupture of the 1988 Constitution, outlining the consequences felt by the irradiation of democratic rule in the structural elements of the state, in particular the willing instruments to effect the right of access to justice conference. Discusses the collectivization of rights and access to justice and collective rights. Provides an overview of the Brazilian collective protection, systematizing concepts and indicating instruments legalization of collective rights, among which are the species of existing guardianships, court procedures and special collective common, and the main drive judicial figures. It analyzes the movement for codification of procedural collective, through the main designed templates. Analyzes the bill n.5.139 2009, which aimed to give a new regramento the civil action as collective common procedure. Advocates of principles for a procedural conference, questioning the functionality of principles for the realization of fundamental rights, as well as philosophical paradigms, scientific and political force in law. Studying the collective protection as an instrument for shaping reality-conformist, using the case study in collective... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

On the basis of case studies of 19th and early 20th century Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, I address the question of how and when incumbent right elites reformed electoral systems under a rising political threat from the left. Some states adopted proportional representation (PR) earlier than others. Why did different states adopt PR at different times? One important factor was the existing electoral system before the adoption of PR. This has been missed in academic research since most scholars have assumed that the electoral system in place before the adoption of PR in most Western European states was single-member plurality (SMP). I show that the system in place prior to PR in most Western European states was not SMP but a two-round system (TRS). TRS effects are still poorly understood by political scientists. I argue that both PR and TRS were used as safeguards by the parties on the right against an electoral threat from the left, which originated from the expansion of suffrage. PR was used as a last resort after other safeguards had been exhausted. I state that in the presence of a strong left threat, countries with TRS could wait longer to implement PR than countries with SMP in place. Under TRS, the adoption of PR was considerably delayed since electoral coordination between parties could be applied more effectively than under SMP systems. This was largely due to the increase of information and time after the first round of TRS elections, which was used by right parties to coordinate votes around the most promising candidate before the second round. First round results under TRS were used as an "electoral opinion poll". Based on these results, the right could react more effectively than the left in order to improve outcomes in round two.

Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the world’s largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance government’s tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests – such as votes and rents – as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.

Origine et signification idéologiques de la scission communiste dans le parti ouvrier belge (1921) / Doctorat en sciences politiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished