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The present dissertation reconstructs the notion of legitimacy in Ecuador between 1996 and 2007 in order to re-think our measurements and understanding of Latin American democracies. Empirically, the analysis is centered on the country`s puzzling tendency to survive institutional volatility, bad economic performance and social unrest, while the theoretical section underlines the importance of the vertical and horizontal participatory components of legitimacy. After exploring different plausible explanations of Ecuador`s puzzling mixture of political turmoil and regime endurance, this dissertation concludes that legitimacy helped democracy to endure in Ecuador. The main conclusion is that the horizontal components of political participation and the enactment of democratic values by social movements as well as new political parties played a key role in the survival of democracy. The dissertation contributes to the democratization literature by encompassing the normative elements of democracy, while at the same time contributes to democratic theory by pushing further the boundaries of a notion and a case that requires further attention.

The present dissertation reconstructs the notion of legitimacy in Ecuador between 1996 and 2007 in order to re-think our measurements and understanding of Latin American democracies. Empirically, the analysis is centered on the country`s puzzling tendency to survive institutional volatility, bad economic performance and social unrest, while the theoretical section underlines the importance of the vertical and horizontal participatory components of legitimacy. After exploring different plausible explanations of Ecuador`s puzzling mixture of political turmoil and regime endurance, this dissertation concludes that legitimacy helped democracy to endure in Ecuador. The main conclusion is that the horizontal components of political participation and the enactment of democratic values by social movements as well as new political parties played a key role in the survival of democracy. The dissertation contributes to the democratization literature by encompassing the normative elements of democracy, while at the same time contributes to democratic theory by pushing further the boundaries of a notion and a case that requires further attention.

The present dissertation reconstructs the notion of legitimacy in Ecuador between 1996 and 2007 in order to re-think our measurements and understanding of Latin American democracies. Empirically, the analysis is centered on the country`s puzzling tendency to survive institutional volatility, bad economic performance and social unrest, while the theoretical section underlines the importance of the vertical and horizontal participatory components of legitimacy. After exploring different plausible explanations of Ecuador`s puzzling mixture of political turmoil and regime endurance, this dissertation concludes that legitimacy helped democracy to endure in Ecuador. The main conclusion is that the horizontal components of political participation and the enactment of democratic values by social movements as well as new political parties played a key role in the survival of democracy. The dissertation contributes to the democratization literature by encompassing the normative elements of democracy, while at the same time contributes to democratic theory by pushing further the boundaries of a notion and a case that requires further attention. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Wayne State University, 1990. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 110-119).

Frágil é, segundo Alexis de Tocqueville, o equilíbrio em que se encontra a liberdade em um estado social de igualdade de condições. Tomados pela sua maior paixão, a da igualdade, os homens democráticos podem assistir a conversão da liberdade em despotismo ao se entregarem à busca exclusiva e isolada de bens privados; ao abdicarem da faculdade de julgar, deixando-se guiar servilmente pela opinião da maioria, a fonte da autoridade em tal estado social. Em face disso, este trabalho objetiva analisar o modo pelo qual o autor delineia a natureza do estado social igualitário, n\' A democracia na América, sustentando-se que, ao discorrer acerca dos costumes estadunidenses, o autor forja um princípio normativo, a doutrina do interesse bem compreendido, o qual relacionaria, do ponto de vista analítico, a virtude e a liberdade. Abordar essa relação, de acordo com a nossa hipótese, seria compreender uma resposta circunscrita a um debate político do século XIX, sem abrir mão da reflexão acerca da originalidade de Tocqueville. / According to Alexis de Tocqueville, in the state of equality of conditions liberty is under serious threat. The passion for equality, which is the first and most intense passion of a democratic people, may prompt them to exchange liberty for despotism, in so far as they are willing to surrender themselves entirely to the search of material goods, and to resign their power of judgment for the sake of the opinion of the majority, which is the real source of authority in such a social state. Taking this fragile balance between liberty and equality into account, this dissertation aims at examining the nature of the state of equality of conditions in Tocqueville\'s Democracy in America. We argue that the consideration of American customs allows Tocqueville to postulate a normative principle, the doctrine of interest well understood, which may link analytically virtue and liberty. To investigate this relation, according to my interpretative hypothesis, is the key to understanding Tocqueville\'s original answer to a question posed by an important nineteenth century political debate.

Frágil é, segundo Alexis de Tocqueville, o equilíbrio em que se encontra a liberdade em um estado social de igualdade de condições. Tomados pela sua maior paixão, a da igualdade, os homens democráticos podem assistir a conversão da liberdade em despotismo ao se entregarem à busca exclusiva e isolada de bens privados; ao abdicarem da faculdade de julgar, deixando-se guiar servilmente pela opinião da maioria, a fonte da autoridade em tal estado social. Em face disso, este trabalho objetiva analisar o modo pelo qual o autor delineia a natureza do estado social igualitário, n\' A democracia na América, sustentando-se que, ao discorrer acerca dos costumes estadunidenses, o autor forja um princípio normativo, a doutrina do interesse bem compreendido, o qual relacionaria, do ponto de vista analítico, a virtude e a liberdade. Abordar essa relação, de acordo com a nossa hipótese, seria compreender uma resposta circunscrita a um debate político do século XIX, sem abrir mão da reflexão acerca da originalidade de Tocqueville. / According to Alexis de Tocqueville, in the state of equality of conditions liberty is under serious threat. The passion for equality, which is the first and most intense passion of a democratic people, may prompt them to exchange liberty for despotism, in so far as they are willing to surrender themselves entirely to the search of material goods, and to resign their power of judgment for the sake of the opinion of the majority, which is the real source of authority in such a social state. Taking this fragile balance between liberty and equality into account, this dissertation aims at examining the nature of the state of equality of conditions in Tocqueville\'s Democracy in America. We argue that the consideration of American customs allows Tocqueville to postulate a normative principle, the doctrine of interest well understood, which may link analytically virtue and liberty. To investigate this relation, according to my interpretative hypothesis, is the key to understanding Tocqueville\'s original answer to a question posed by an important nineteenth century political debate.

In the literature democratic longevity in countries transitioning from authoritarian regimes to democracy is linked to economic development; four factors of economic development are identified: industrialization, education, urbanization, and growing wealth. Education is viewed as a primary factor for effective democratic participation and economic development. This thesis examines the relationship between level of democracy and educational outputs and outcomes. Does the level of democracy (political rights and civil liberties) have an effect on the levels of investment in education and measurable outcomes in education equity toward meeting the educational needs of the newly represented public? The expectation is that the increased scope of political participation and representation in new democratic regimes would result in higher government spending for education with implications for education equity. This study is conducted using a cross-sectional, longitudinal statistical model. The analysis is based on 18 Latin American countries over a thirty-eight-year period, from 1972 to 2010. To examine the connection between level of democracy and education equity, the study explores the effects of democracy on different levels of education, gender, and social class. In addition to the quantitative analysis, a qualitative component aims at contextualizing this relationship that is, examining closer the mechanism that underlies the connection between democracy and education equity in the cases of Mexico and Brazil

This thesis posits that Christian Democracy arose in Central America because of its emphasis on basic reforms and social justice, and that its messianic appeal and charismatic leadership propelled it to national political power in El Salvador and Guatemala. The study continues by examining the presidencies of Napoleon Duarte of El Salvador and Vinicio Cerezo of Guatemala, concluding that their economic, political, and foreign policy agendas did not resolve the basic social conflicts which fuel both countries civil wars and economic crises. The findings of the study indicate that these Christian Democrats' alliances with their countries' armed forces and their inability to tap the potential of the movement's messianic, reformist vigor, prevented their administrations from ending the political violence and achieving a national unity capable of launching equitable development.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.