This monograph seeks to establish a articulation between the Brazilian democratic project, the violent criminality and the public security in the context of the New Republic. Arguing, first, that the institutional experience of contemporary Brazil is the only one in our public life that can be described as a "political democracy", we try to establish a parallel between the gains and troubles identified in more than two decades of the called New Republic. In this reading we have identified an intriguing and paradoxical situation: the transition process and the establishment of political democracy in Brazil has developed in parallel to a huge spread of violent criminality with the registration of about a million murders, between 1979 and 2008. Presented this, as we called the "Brazilian paradox" we began to explore the ambiguities and others paradoxical points involving criminal violence, with particular attention to the issue of public security management in the context of the New Republic. Among other considerations, we identify the securitarian scope as privileged to demonstrate, in full contemporary Brazil, the existence of a certain authoritarianism socially implanted that, among other things, establishes a "blocking" to the internalization of democratic valuesand practices within the national political culture. Suggesting the crucial link between "political democracy", "rule of law " and "public order" as the main categories for the establishment of a theoretical model appropriate to the democratic project in Brazil, we discuss - from the issue of public security - that the "blockade" operated by authoritarian permanences is not complete, subsisting like counterpoint an alternative model of democratic securitarian management, based on aspects such as the statement of a fundamental right to public safety and the participation of counties in the securitarian ambit. The establishment or not of this model, we propose, is absolutely essential to the deepening or the stagnation of the democratic project in Brazil. / A presente monografia procura estabelecer uma articulação entre o projeto democrático brasileiro, a criminalidade violenta e a segurança pública no contexto da Nova República. Argumentando, inicialmente, que a experiência institucional do Brasil contemporâneo é a única em nossa vida pública que pode ser descrita como uma democracia política , tentamos estabelecer um paralelo entre as conquistas e mazelas identificáveis nas mais de duas décadas de existência da chamada Nova República. É nesta leitura que identificamos uma situação intrigante e paradoxal: o processo de transição e instauração da democracia política no Brasil se desenvolveu, paralelamente, a uma vertiginosa expansão da criminalidade violenta com o registro, entre 1979 e 2008, de cerca de um milhão de homicídios. Apresentado este, que denominamos como o paradoxo brasileiro , passamos a explorar as ambivalências e outros pontos paradoxais que envolvem a violência criminal, com especial destaque para a questão da gestão da segurança pública no contexto da Nova República. Entre outras reflexões, identificamos o campo securitário como privilegiado para demonstrar a vigência, em pleno Brasil contemporâneo, de um certo autoritarismo socialmente implantado que, entre outros efeitos, estabelece um bloqueio à introjeção de valores e práticas democráticas no âmbito da cultura política nacional. Sugerindo a crucialidade de articular democracia política , Estado de Direito e ordem pública como categorias centrais para o estabelecimento de um modelo teórico adequado ao projeto democrático brasileiro, discutimos - a partir da questão da segurança pública que o bloqueio operado pelas permanências autoritárias não é total, já subsistindo como contraponto um modelo alternativo e democrático de gestão securitária, pautado em aspectos como a afirmação de um direito fundamental à segurança pública e a participação do município no campo securitário. A afirmação ou não desse modelo, propomos, é absolutamente essencial para o aprofundamento ou a estagnação do projeto democrático brasileiro.

L'idée olympique développée par Pierre de Coubertin s'avère être un projet de reconstruction démocratique de l'histoire politique et de l'éducation physique et sportive de 1892 à 1920. Ancré dans le période des révolutions industrielles et de l'avènement de l'État-nation, ce travail heuristique vise à décrire un processus d'actions dans la formation d'un citoyen exemplaire. Cette mission est accomplie grâce à l'importance et au charisme de Pierre de Coubertin, véritable initiateur et idéologue, ainsi que grâce à ses réseaux. Les pratiques culturelles et sportives créées sont diffusées par le biais de divers concepts (sociabilité, réseaux, rapports de pouvoirs et le jeu démocratique) à travers les Jeux et le CIO. Croisant des sources variées et originales, notre étude révèle que le processus inhérent à la renommée de l'œuvre de Pierre de Coubertin tient à trois indicateurs complémentaires. Premièrement, le succès de cette idée spécifique est dû à la personnalité et au parcours de vie de l'inspirateur, doté de réseaux utiles et multiples. Deuxièmement, Pierre de Coubertin fédère des acteurs internationaux et s'appuie sur un noyau d'hommes, les cooptés du Comité international olympique, pour créer une identité de groupe dans cette organisation. Le comité possède des spécificités politiques, éducatives, sportives et sociales suffisantes pour promouvoir un message d'envergure au sein d'espaces géographiques internationaux. Le Baron utilise les réseaux, les structures sociales et les échanges interpersonnels pour convaincre, légitimer et diffuser son projet de citoyen exemplaire. Enfin, il s'attache, à promouvoir son modèle en tirant profit de la modernité et de la force des espaces démocratiques lancés dans une «course au progrès et à la reconnaissance». Notre travail articule majoritairement ces trois logiques explicatives pour comprendre la naissance de l'idée olympique d'envergure internationales de 1892 à 2896, son développement entre 1897 et 1914 et enfin la fin de l'idée olympique idéale en 1920 pour laisser place au spectacle sportif. / The Olympic idea as it was developed by Pierre de Coubertin happens to be a project whose aim was to rebuild a democratic political history of physical education from 1892 to 1920. Anchored in the era of industrial revolutions and of the birth of the nation-State, this heuristic work aims at describing a process of actions in the creation of an exemplary citizen. Such a mission was accomplished thanks to the important charisma of a man, Pierre de Coubertin, who was also the father of the idea and an ideologist thanks to his network of acquaintances. The cultural and sporting practices that were created were spread through diverse concepts (sush as sociability, networks, power relations and democracy) both with the Games and the IOC. This study mixes different sources so as to reveal the process that was linked to Pierre de Coubertin's work in three complementary indicators. First, the success of this specific idea is due to the originator's personality and very life, whose network of acquaintances was decisive. Then Pierre de Coubertin federated international actors by relying on a group of men - those who were co-opted in the IOC - so as to create a group identity within the comittee. Indeed, the Committee possesses politicaln educational, sporting and social specificities that helped to spread the message within international geographic spaces. To finish, Pierre de Coubertin endeavored to promote his model by taking advantage from the modernity and the strength of the democratic spaces that were then launching into a "race to progress and to recognition". Our work uses these three logics to understand the birth of the olympic idea worldwide from 1892 to 1896, its development between 1897 and 1914 and eventually its en 1920 to make room for sports show.