The approach of this study is balance of power theory, providing an analysis to explain how Sino-American Relations in that region is full of conflicts and cooperation. In the study, there are two major aspects for further analysis, one is the regional security, the other is regional economy. After the end of Cold War Era, the power structure in Northeast Asia has faced adjustment. The power of China has raised and profoundly influenced on the aspect of economic and security of the region. United States, out of its consideration of national interests, adopts ¡§balancing¡¨ strategies to confront any possible threat. In general, conflicts may break out between the two countries, but, there are some possibilities for two sides to cooperate, for example, the denuclearization of Korea Peninsula and development of clean Energy promote China and U.S to collaborate with each other. The results of this study provide information for the Taiwanese Government to further develop national security and economic strategies.

Following the 2017-2018 North Korea nuclear crisis and a decade of disinterest, scholarly attention to the EU’s involvement in the Korean conflict has steadily increased. This thesis compares EU actorness in the Korean conflict, spanning the periods 2011-2012 and 2018-2019, using parts of Rhinard’s and Sjöstedt’s (2019) new actorness framework. Following recent developments in Actorness studies and heeding calls for a greater focus on external factors, it situates the analysis within the Korean conflict's broader context. It concludes that while the EU has deepened its overall engagement in the Northeast Asia region – shifting focus from North to South Korea – the EU has shown little interest in getting involved, despite other actors perceiving further EU involvement favorably. Brussels has continuously been unable to define what role it wants to play. Internal disunity concerning how the EU should balance its troubled relationship with the US with commitments to Seoul has led to the embrace of a traditional passive status quo approach, hindering proactive engagement. The EU’s stance on North Korea remains hardened, making all further cooperation and engagement entirely conditional on progress in the denuclearization talks with the US. The analytical variables borrowed from Rhinard and Sjöstedt’s actorness framework address key concerns in previous actorness studies, allowing for a detailed analysis even when no comprehensive EU-DPRK relations are found.

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The United States' enemy image of North Korea has been on its political agenda since the Korean war. Weapons of mass destruction has, since the Cold War, shown the complexity it brings on conflictual interests and decision-makers persuading efforts. Enemy image, per se, brings difficulties in achieving cooperation, substantially when both parties contempt high levels of enmity. However, the newly established U.S.-DPRK relationship brings hope for cooperative possibilities regarding denuclearization on the Korean peninsula. The relationship between Donald Trump and Kim Jong-Un is not based on trust, instead, it is dependent on the concrete steps taken by the other. The enemy image of North Korea has been settled on the U.S. political agenda firmly because of the principles regarding denuclearization and security. The enemy image is also an important factor to consider when examining political agendas, since the changing dynamics are dependent on how state A interpret state B and vice versa. What has articulated the dynamics of the U.S. enemy image against North Korea? and how has its enemy image changed? To answer the question at issue, a theory consumption of Eriksson and Noreen’s explanatory model is necessary. Which consists of context-dependent external and informal factors that will contribute different but coherent hypotheses.