Orientador: Bruno Wilheilm Speck / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T08:20:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Coelho_RonyGleisondaSilva_M.pdf: 5271912 bytes, checksum: 2875209e55dcdd1392a076176af55d9c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa trata dos atores, iniciativas e processos envolvidos na concepção de legislação participativa implícita no referencial empírico trabalhado nesta dissertação, a Comissão Permanente de Legislação Participativa da Câmara dos Deputados (CLP). Comissões permanentes são órgãos colegiados, compostos por deputados, integrantes do processo legislativo, que têm por finalidade apreciar os assuntos ou proposições submetidos ao seu exame e sobre eles deliberar. Com efeito, foi atribuída à CLP, como principal competência, a capacidade de i) receber diversos tipos de sugestões legislativas - leia-se, de iniciativas - oriundas de associações civis legalmente constituídas; ii) deliberar sobre as sugestões acatadas, manifestando-se por meio de parecer; iii) encaminhar as sugestões de iniciativas de leis aprovadas para iniciarem a tramitação no processo legislativo. A investigação procurou responder, por um lado, qual a capacidade do mecanismo de incluir iniciativas de lei no processo legislativo. Por outro lado, elaboramos uma discussão, sem pretender uma análise exaustiva, sobre um dos possíveis efeitos do modelo institucional do mecanismo em ter credenciado organizações civis para proporem iniciativas de lei no âmbito federal. Os resultados em relação ao primeiro ponto sinalizam para uma real e alta capacidade de inclusão de iniciativas no processo legislativo. Porém, ao iniciarem a tramitação, essas iniciativas encontram uma série de entraves que escapam à alçada da comissão e que se inserem em um problema maior, da relação entre legislativo e executivo mesmo no que diz respeito à produção legislativa no Congresso. Em relação ao segundo ponto, a discussão levantada sugere que organizações civis estão a exercer função de representação no lócus que, por excelência, é o da representação política tradicional. Ademais, e anterior a essas discussões, intentamos fornecer interpretações analíticas sobre o surgimento de um mecanismo como a CLP no interior do processo legislativo. Para tanto, observou-se, em meio a uma recente onda de reformas institucionais, possíveis processos de abertura das instituições tradicionais mundo afora; além de um contexto nacional de crescente proliferação das chamadas instituições participativas / Abstract: This research deals with the actors, initiatives and processes involved in the concept of participatory legislation implicit in empirical referential used in this dissertation, the Standing Committee of Participatory Legislation the House of Representatives. Standing committees are collegiate bodies, composed of deputies, members of the legislative process, which aim to analyses the issues or proposals submitted for its examination and deliberate on them. Indeed, it was attributed to CLP, as major competence, the ability to i) receive various types of legislative suggestions, in other words, initiatives, deriving from civil associations legally constituted ii) deliberate on the suggestions accepted, manifesting by through sight iii) submit the initiatives of laws suggestions approved to started the conduct in the legislative process. The research sought to answer the one hand, which include the ability of the mechanism of law initiatives in the legislative process. Moreover, we intended discuss, without attempting an exhaustive analysis about the possible effects on a model institutional of mechanism having allowed civil organizations to propose initiatives under federal law. The results from the first topic point to a real and high capacity inclusion initiatives in the legislative process. However, as they start the conduct in the legislative process a great number of obstacles are found, that cannot be misled by CLP and part of a bigger problem, of relationship between the legislative an executive powers even as regards the legislative production in Congress. Regarding the second topic, the raised discussion suggests that civil organizations seem to be exerting the function of representation that locus par excellence is the one of traditional political representation. Moreover, prior to those discussions, we seek analytic interpretations about the emergence of a mechanism like the CLP within the legislative process, noting, amid a recent wave of institutional reforms, opening processes of traditional institutions, worldwide, plus a national context of growing proliferation of so-called participatory institutions / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

The study examines the level of party voting discipline displayed by current Russian deputies. The objective is to discover whether deputies elected since the reintroduction of the mixed-member electoral system in 2016 showed a diverse level of party voting discipline. The study expands on the existing research and verifies results of earlier analysis proving weaker party discipline among politicians elected from single-member districts (SMDs). A sample of over 500 thousand deputy votes is analyzed with multiple regression analysis and other methods of quantitative research. The research explores the influence of several variables including the type of elections, political faction membership, double candidacy of a deputy and his incumbency in the previous term of office. Evaluation of results implies that the type of elections does not have a significant impact on party discipline of deputies. The most noticeable is the impact of the membership in various political factions. Greater independence in voting typical for SMD deputies does not manifest considerably in Russia because of the impact of the local hybrid regime and because the majority of SMD deputies belong to the faction of United Russia. Members of a faction with such importance tend to be less motivated to vote against their political...

Diploma thesis deals with the approval process of participation of the Armed Forces of the Czech Republic in foreign operations. The aim of this thesis is to find political elite's dominant motivation which leads to the decision take part in foreign military operations. Hypothesis assumes that according to the material capabilities and power ambitions of the Czech Republic there is only one dominant motivation which can be described as commitments to the membership in UN, NATO or EU. To fulfil this aim we used a content analysis of relevant discussions realized in the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic since 1993 until present. Identified arguments are assign with one of the five relevant categories (policy related to the commitments to the membership, security and political interests, historical symbolism, potential of profit in the future and influence of the domestic political situation). Analysis also considers the revelation of official statements of the political party and speeches of its members in the Chamber of Deputies.

Diploma thesis deals with the approval process of participation of the Armed Forces of the Czech Republic in foreign operations. The aim of this thesis is to find political elite's dominant motivation which leads to the decision take part in foreign military operations. Hypothesis assumes that according to the material capabilities and power ambitions of the Czech Republic there is only one dominant motivation which can be described as commitments to the membership in UN, NATO or EU. To fulfil this aim we used a content analysis of relevant discussions realized in the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic since 1993 until present. Identified arguments are assign with one of the five relevant categories (policy related to the commitments to the membership, security and political interests, historical symbolism, potential of profit in the future and influence of the domestic political situation). Analysis also considers the revelation of official statements of the political party and speeches of its members in the Chamber of Deputies.

This study discusses voting behavior of the citizens in The Czech republic. Traditional studies of voting behavior differentiate between voters and nonvoters according to their turnout in one election. This thesis takes up multielection approach and differentiates three categories of voting behavior- voters, nonvoters and irregular voters. Specific features of voters, nonvoters and irregular voters are identified using logistic regression analysis. Theoretically, the study is based on socioeconomic, motivational and mobilization theories of turnout. The focus is put on the decision making of irregular voters. Circumstances tied with irregular voters' turnout are identified. The discussion on methodological problems connected with multi-election approach and research of electoral behavior generally is part of the thesis. The Czech election study 2010 is a main source of the data for analysis.

Migration is a phenomenon which has strong impact on the Czech Republic. The Czech Republic is currently under transformation from transit country to immigration country. At the present time the situation is even more complicated because of the migrant crises which impact all of us. I suppose that the Members of Parliament will create social constructions or narratives about migrants during the sitting of parliament. I aim to identify social constructions of migrants that are created by the Czech political parties represented in the Chamber of Deputies since the 2013 election. I will divide social construction into two main groups. Ones belong to migrants and the other ones to refugees. I would like to find out if there are more positive or negative social constructions and how are benefits and punishments distributed to these groups. I would like to discover key narratives of particular political negotiation as well. Theoretical background of this thesis is the social construction of target population theory of Anne Schneider and Helen Ingram. In the manner of Lina Newton's article "It is not a question of being anti-immigrant: Categories of deservedness in immigration policy making", I will use a combination of discursive and narrative analysis as the main method. I will analyse statements and...

Submitted diploma thesis brings the life fates of František Machník, last political minister of the national defence of the first Czechoslovak republic. He was one of the political symbols of the army in 30´s as the representative of the Agrarian party. He soon found that the possible new army conflict among nations could be very real. The whole European effort of keeping Versailles´ peace system was absolutely desperate. Machník became propagator of the nation´s military ability, he popularized the army in the public view and he inspired thousands of people for her. He gave her technic and institutional laws. He was interested in the financial support of the building of the border´s fortification. This diploma work tries as first to map Machník´s life from the very beginnings over his studies, teacher´s and school director´s career and MP activities. It looks on his early enter to the Agrarian party and his work for Agrarian academics. The three - years ministerial career emphasizes two important moments - the law of the national defence and Machník´s decree. WWII brought him first suffering - the Gestapo investigation and then he was sentenced to death and this was changed to life imprisonment. The author of this work is also interested in Machník´s postwar investigation and trial by the National Court in the year 1947. It was followed with the communistic trial in 1952 and 5 years imprisonment. The end of the thesis concentrates on the sad Machník´s retirement after the amnesty in 1953.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-06-18Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:54:40Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 luz_emm_me_fran.pdf: 3131126 bytes, checksum: eb3b6cfb198850160fca0e7611941c82 (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / A idéia central desta pesquisa é analisar a atuação política do cônego Hermógenes Casimiro de Araújo Brunswik no contexto da construção do Estado Nacional brasileiro durante o século XIX. No entanto, para entender o significado de sua atuação política foi preciso voltar até as suas origens familiares assim como analisar a formação religiosa do cônego. A Igreja estava vinculada ao governo durante o Império e a atuação religiosa dos padres estava intimamente ligada à atuação política. O cônego estudou em São Paulo onde recebeu a ordenação em 1809 e em seguida foi administrar a freguesia do Desemboque, no Triângulo Mineiro, região que naquela época era quase desabitada. Ali ele desenvolveu uma sólida liderança religiosa e política, tornando-se vigário geral e vereador nas câmaras municipais de Araxá e Desemboque. Como vigário geral da freguesia teve atuação pioneira: fundou capelas e conseguiu verbas para a construção de estradas e pontes que conectaram a região ao comércio imperial e contribuíram para seu povoamento. Bom pregador, proprietário de terras e líder político local, o cônego conquistou reconhecimento na província, aliou-se ao Partido Conservador mineiro e ganhou espaço no cenário político imperial. A partir de 1850 ascendeu politicamente sendo eleito deputado provincial e deputado geral pela província de Minas Gerais, atuando na Câmara dos Deputados até 1860 quando se afastou por motivos de saúde. Morreu em 1861 após trabalhar nas três instâncias do legislativo brasileiro: municipal, provincial e imperial / The central idea of this research is to analyze the political performance of the canon Hermógenes Casimiro de Araújo Brunswik in the context of the construction of the Brazilian National State during the century XIX. However, to understand the meaning of his political performance it was necessary to return until their family origins as well as the religious formation of the canon. The Church was linked to the government during the Empire and the priests’ religious performance was intimately linked to the political performance. The canon studied in São Paulo where received the ordination in 1809 and soon afterwards he went to administer the clientele of Desemboque, in Triângulo Mineiro, area that was almost totally uninhabited in that time. There he developed a solid religious and political leadership, becoming general vicar and alderman in the city halls of Araxá and Desemboque. As general vicar of the clientele he had pioneering performance: founded chapels and it got budgets for the construction of highways and bridges that connected the area to the imperial trade and they contributed to its settlement. Good preacher, proprietor of lands and local political leader, the canon conquered recognition in the province, he formed an alliance with Conservative Party and it won space in the imperial political scenery. Starting from 1850 he ascended politically being chosen provincial deputy and general deputy by the province of Minas Gerais, acting in the Camera of the Deputies up to 1860 when he stood back because of health. He died in 1861 after working in the three instances of the brazilian legislative: municipal, provincial and imperial

Orientador: Teresa Maria Malatian / Banca: Renato Pinto Venâncio / Banca: Lélio Luiz de Oliveira / Resumo: A idéia central desta pesquisa é analisar a atuação política do cônego Hermógenes Casimiro de Araújo Brunswik no contexto da construção do Estado Nacional brasileiro durante o século XIX. No entanto, para entender o significado de sua atuação política foi preciso voltar até as suas origens familiares assim como analisar a formação religiosa do cônego. A Igreja estava vinculada ao governo durante o Império e a atuação religiosa dos padres estava intimamente ligada à atuação política. O cônego estudou em São Paulo onde recebeu a ordenação em 1809 e em seguida foi administrar a freguesia do Desemboque, no Triângulo Mineiro, região que naquela época era quase desabitada. Ali ele desenvolveu uma sólida liderança religiosa e política, tornando-se vigário geral e vereador nas câmaras municipais de Araxá e Desemboque. Como vigário geral da freguesia teve atuação pioneira: fundou capelas e conseguiu verbas para a construção de estradas e pontes que conectaram a região ao comércio imperial e contribuíram para seu povoamento. Bom pregador, proprietário de terras e líder político local, o cônego conquistou reconhecimento na província, aliou-se ao Partido Conservador mineiro e ganhou espaço no cenário político imperial. A partir de 1850 ascendeu politicamente sendo eleito deputado provincial e deputado geral pela província de Minas Gerais, atuando na Câmara dos Deputados até 1860 quando se afastou por motivos de saúde. Morreu em 1861 após trabalhar nas três instâncias do legislativo brasileiro: municipal, provincial e imperial / Abstract: The central idea of this research is to analyze the political performance of the canon Hermógenes Casimiro de Araújo Brunswik in the context of the construction of the Brazilian National State during the century XIX. However, to understand the meaning of his political performance it was necessary to return until their family origins as well as the religious formation of the canon. The Church was linked to the government during the Empire and the priests' religious performance was intimately linked to the political performance. The canon studied in São Paulo where received the ordination in 1809 and soon afterwards he went to administer the clientele of Desemboque, in Triângulo Mineiro, area that was almost totally uninhabited in that time. There he developed a solid religious and political leadership, becoming general vicar and alderman in the city halls of Araxá and Desemboque. As general vicar of the clientele he had pioneering performance: founded chapels and it got budgets for the construction of highways and bridges that connected the area to the imperial trade and they contributed to its settlement. Good preacher, proprietor of lands and local political leader, the canon conquered recognition in the province, he formed an alliance with Conservative Party and it won space in the imperial political scenery. Starting from 1850 he ascended politically being chosen provincial deputy and general deputy by the province of Minas Gerais, acting in the Camera of the Deputies up to 1860 when he stood back because of health. He died in 1861 after working in the three instances of the brazilian legislative: municipal, provincial and imperial / Mestre

This thesis investigates the formation of power structures in a revolutionary setting. It takes as a case study the central Siberian city of Krasnoiarsk, in which a powerful Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies emerged during the period March-October 1917. The Krasnoiarsk Soviet was an elective council established during the overthrow of Tsarist authorities. Throughout 1917, it became a vital component of an emerging local and regional power structure, assuming growing responsibility for a number of core state tasks. As well as providing a new empirical case study to English-language literature on 1917, the thesis employs a nuanced analytical approach which challenges existing conceptualisations of state power in revolution and the role played by local soviets. State power in revolutionary Russia has often been viewed as something to be contested between different political groupings and organisations seeking to assert their own outright control. This view is captured neatly by the formulation of “dual power”, in which soviets and Provisional Government organisations constructed alternative power bases in an attempt to wield outright control. Accordingly, the soviets’ growing political strength indicated an ability to marginalise other groups and organisations seeking to wield power. By contrast, this thesis does not seek to explain how power in revolutionary Krasnoiarsk was “captured” or otherwise controlled by the Soviet alone. Instead, it applies a critical interpretation of state power proposed by Bob Jessop and other theorists, who view the state as a site of interaction and negotiation between multiple autonomous organisations and social actors, all of which have a stake in the way it operates in practice. It focuses on the emergence of a “soviet power” writ small, in which the Krasnoiarsk Soviet became an authoritative organisation within a broader constellation of revolutionary actors. Without denying the Soviet’s centrality within this power structure, the thesis does not explain its role simply as the monopolisation of authority over other would-be contenders. Rather, it sees the Soviet’s importance in its ability to establish itself as a focal point for interactions between multiple actors which, collectively, shaped state power at a local and regional level. It considers how the forms and practices of revolutionary power developed through these interactions and how these interactions in turn transformed the roles of actors and organisations engaging them. In order to unpick the complex and dynamic processes of revolutionary power, the thesis employs three core methodological concepts: institutions, mobilisation, and ideology. It makes several important and original arguments. Firstly, it emphasises the autonomy of social actors which supported the Soviet and engaged in its politics, demonstrating the extent to which they were able to shape its political functions and structures according to their own concerns. Secondly, it reveals the importance of skilled administrative personnel to Soviet work, highlighting the invaluable practical roles they played in the regulation of provisions and their ability to influence Soviet policy measures on this issue. Thirdly, it demonstrates the close cooperation between the Soviet and other local governmental and administrative bodies, including the city Duma and provisions regulatory organisations, which remained vital to fulfilling state functions throughout 1917. Finally, it discusses how the Soviet and socialist activists challenged established power relationships between Krasnoiarsk, as a locality, and all-Russian state authorities, revealing the growing importance they attached to securing greater local autonomy in revolution and the changing ways local actors viewed their role in wider all-Russian politics.