The election to the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic took place in 2010. The theses focuses on examining of pre-election polls and election results themselves using some knowledge of game theory and public choice theory. The work describes in detail the methodology of processing election results as it works in the Czech Republic at present. Pre-election polls of selected survey agencies are compared and evaluated here. Further the theses uses an alternative approach to the distribution of seats in the Chamber of Deputies, with a focus on possible impact on the election results both in terms of the different distribution of seats, and in terms of the subsequent formation of possible coalitions. There are also discussed all possible coalitions which were suggested after the elections in 2010.

The thesis analyses the position and strategy of the opposition in the Parliament. The thesis also provides an international comparison within the Visegrad Group (The Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia). Main attention is paid to the opposition in the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic. The purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate which factors affect behavior of opposition and how the strategy of opposition differs in the Parliament. The thesis deals with behavior of representatives of political parties with low coalition potential and with options which opposition can use in relation to the government.

Scrutiny of legislative behaviour of members of parliament (MPs) has a long tradition in Western Europe. Nonetheless, there has been a research gap in the Czech Republic. Thus, the dissertation thesis identifies the most burning and exciting questions and delivers the answers as a collection of to some extent separated but still interconnected studies. To be more specific, I employ quantitative methods of analysis. I deal with the data on all the members of the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic who held the mandate between 1993 and 2017. Overall, the original and unique dataset consists of 1,518 legislators and their comprehensive parliamentary activity. The results suggest that two main conflicts drive parliamentary politics - the institutional division between ruling parties and opposition, and the ideological left-right socio-economic dimension. Besides this, the thesis shows that both the age and tenure of the MPs noticeably affect their parliamentary activity. While older and more experienced MPs propose more bills, address more speeches and obtain more intra- parliamentary posts than young novices, the latter group focuses on the work outside of the parliament. Next, the gender differences in the parliamentary activity of Czech legislators resemble patterns from...

Objective of this thesis is cluster analysis of political parties and individual politicians in Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic. In theoretical part, legislative process in Czech Republic is explained and political situation in Chamber of Deputies is described. Also cluster analysis theory is explained. In practical part, firstly, cluster analysis of political parties was performed, than of individual members of parliament. The furthest neighbor and Ward's methods were used in this part. On the basis of discovered facts, it's possible to confirm compactness of coalition and also of conservative opposition. In specific political parties, as most united behave TOP 09 members and least ČSSD members of parliament.

The aim of this master thesis is to compare electoral systems of the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic and the Bundestag of the Federal Republic of Germany. Firstly, basic terms regarding substance and types of elections, suffrage and primary classification of electoral systems are briefly characterized with the help of literature. Secondly, electoral system of the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic, its form in the context of the political system of the Czech Republic as a whole, its development over time and its impact on the results of elections in the last twenty years is described in detail. Furthermore, the Bundestag of the Federal Republic of Germany is analysed in the same way, too. At the end of this thesis, advantages and disadvantages of both electoral systems are compared and their possible changes are outlined. Keywords: elections, electoral system, Parliament, Bundestag, Chamber of Deputies, comparison

The pivot around which the controversy over the Board's political policy revolved was the question whether a collective Jewish attitude towards the government's racial policies should be formulated, or whether this was the province of individual Jewish protest. Stemming from this was the question of the extent of communal responsibility towards the individual who had fallen afoul with the law in expressing his protest. The complexity of formulating policy was exacerbated by the trauma of the 1930's and 1940's where the National Party and its leadership espoused a radical anti-Semitic ideology and a pro-Nazism policy. Added to this was the very real sympathy felt for the aspirations of survival of the Afrikaner People, conflated by a revulsion and antipathy towards the measures the nationalist Government took to attain this end. The solution hit upon by the Board was a policy of 'neutrality' in the political area. This dissertation is an attempt to highlight the problems with which the Board grappled and its central concerns in formulating policy vis-a-vis the political issues that were at the centre of the political life of South Africa. The study follows the evolvement of the policy of collective non-involvement from the 1950s and the gradual evolution it underwent in the 1970s and 1980s towards a commitment and a responsibility to openly and publicly speak out on the moral aspects of Apartheid. In view of the above, the thesis begins in 1930 with the promulgation of the Quota Act, which initiated the new antisemitic policies of the National Party, until 1978. The epilogue ends 1985 when the Board of Deputies abandoned its policy of neutrality towards the political arena, when the 33rd National congress of the Jewish Board of Deputies, passed a resolution condemning the Policy of Apartheid, thus adopting a collective stance towards the government's racial policies. Although this stance was in line with the views prevalent in the white community, it signalled a giant step in the Board of Deputies' drive to abandon its policy of accommodation towards the NP government and Nationalist forces. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1995.

O período de 1917 a 1919 foi marcado por intensa atividade reivindicatória no Brasil e no mundo, insuflada pelo clima de instabilidade global e pelo exemplo da Revolução Bolchevique. No Brasil, tal quadro repetia-se, tendo sido esse um momento de intensificação da mobilização operária, marcada por inúmeras greves que irromperam no cenário de vários centros urbanos brasileiros. Atentas a essa conjuntura, as elites políticas brasileiros não tardaram a se posicionar sobre ela. Os discursos parlamentares produzidos na Câmara dos Deputados sobre o movimento operário foram aqui objeto de análise, a fim de se determinar quais as posições presentes naquela casa legislativa sobre o tema. Duas posturas contrapostas foram identificadas: uma, majoritária, legitimadora das políticas repressivas implementadas pelos governos estaduais e federais ao movimento, calcada em uma visão em que o movimento operário era apresentado como elemento de desordem comandado por estrangeiros perniciosos; outra, minoritária, que defendia um olhar atento, por parte da instância política, sobre as reivindicações sociais, bandeiras centrais da mobilização operária. Esse embate de ideias, que se desdobrava da questão específica do operariado para outras esferas da sociedade brasileira, não foi resolvido pelo convencimento ou consenso. O olhar condenatório, produtor de um discurso que se utilizava de maneira recorrente da lógica argumentativa presente no mito político da conspiração, acaba por servir de legitimação às ações de força impostas ao movimento pelos governantes. / The period from 1917 to 1919 was marked by intense labor rights activities in both Brazil and the rest of the world, prompted by global instability and the Bolshevik Revolution. In Brazil, these events repeated themselves, becoming an intensified movement of workers' mobilization, marked by high numbers of strikes, that happened in different urban centers throughout the country. Paying close attention to this new picture, the Brazilian political elites did not take long to position themselves. The parliamentary discourses produced by the Deputies' Chamber about the conflicts, were the objects of analysis of the present research, with the purpose of finding out what positions were taken by the legislative house. Two opposing postures were identified: one taken by the majority, that legitimized the repressive politics towards the movement implemented by both the state and federal governments, based on the view that the latter presented itself as some sort of turmoil lead by evil foreigners; the other, taken by the minority, demanded an attentive look by the political instances over the social demands, which were central objectives of the workers' mobilization. This clash of ideas, which expanded the matters of workers into other spheres within Brazilian society, were not resolved by convictions or common sense. The repressive outlook produced a discourse commonly used in argumentative logic present in the political myth of 'conspiracy', and ended up legitimizing the use of force imposed on the movement by the government.

O período de 1917 a 1919 foi marcado por intensa atividade reivindicatória no Brasil e no mundo, insuflada pelo clima de instabilidade global e pelo exemplo da Revolução Bolchevique. No Brasil, tal quadro repetia-se, tendo sido esse um momento de intensificação da mobilização operária, marcada por inúmeras greves que irromperam no cenário de vários centros urbanos brasileiros. Atentas a essa conjuntura, as elites políticas brasileiros não tardaram a se posicionar sobre ela. Os discursos parlamentares produzidos na Câmara dos Deputados sobre o movimento operário foram aqui objeto de análise, a fim de se determinar quais as posições presentes naquela casa legislativa sobre o tema. Duas posturas contrapostas foram identificadas: uma, majoritária, legitimadora das políticas repressivas implementadas pelos governos estaduais e federais ao movimento, calcada em uma visão em que o movimento operário era apresentado como elemento de desordem comandado por estrangeiros perniciosos; outra, minoritária, que defendia um olhar atento, por parte da instância política, sobre as reivindicações sociais, bandeiras centrais da mobilização operária. Esse embate de ideias, que se desdobrava da questão específica do operariado para outras esferas da sociedade brasileira, não foi resolvido pelo convencimento ou consenso. O olhar condenatório, produtor de um discurso que se utilizava de maneira recorrente da lógica argumentativa presente no mito político da conspiração, acaba por servir de legitimação às ações de força impostas ao movimento pelos governantes. / The period from 1917 to 1919 was marked by intense labor rights activities in both Brazil and the rest of the world, prompted by global instability and the Bolshevik Revolution. In Brazil, these events repeated themselves, becoming an intensified movement of workers' mobilization, marked by high numbers of strikes, that happened in different urban centers throughout the country. Paying close attention to this new picture, the Brazilian political elites did not take long to position themselves. The parliamentary discourses produced by the Deputies' Chamber about the conflicts, were the objects of analysis of the present research, with the purpose of finding out what positions were taken by the legislative house. Two opposing postures were identified: one taken by the majority, that legitimized the repressive politics towards the movement implemented by both the state and federal governments, based on the view that the latter presented itself as some sort of turmoil lead by evil foreigners; the other, taken by the minority, demanded an attentive look by the political instances over the social demands, which were central objectives of the workers' mobilization. This clash of ideas, which expanded the matters of workers into other spheres within Brazilian society, were not resolved by convictions or common sense. The repressive outlook produced a discourse commonly used in argumentative logic present in the political myth of 'conspiracy', and ended up legitimizing the use of force imposed on the movement by the government.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Isabel_Cristina_Carvalho_Fonseca_Dissertacao.pdf: 923499 bytes, checksum: f617148f5082fd08db001d45ba941454 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-09 / This dissertation aims at analyzing the representation of women in the Chamber of Deputies, specifically gaucho women parliamentarians in the period between 2007 and 2011. The purpose of this study is to investigate the trajectory, mandate and campaign for reelection of the women who made up the female caucus of Rio Grande do Sul, in the 53th Legislature of the Federal Chamber . The performance of these representatives is investigated from different moments of participation in the political: who walked in the path of building their political careers at the time of representation (in the legislative arena) and in the pursuit of votes to remain in office (electoral arena).This analysis gives birth to concepts of political representation, recognition and political capital. Moreover, brings discussions about the underrepresentation of women in politics brazilian institutional and a brief account of the history of the feminist movement in Brazil. It also analyzes the theories about feminist politics and inclusion of women in political parties in Brazil. The data for empirical research were taken mainly from the electronic addresses of the Federal Chamber, the Superior Electoral Court and representatives of blogs. It was concluded that the presence of women in federal parliament gaucho, more specifically the Chamber of Deputies, has been important in the brazilian institutional policy. His work and ideas gradually gain strength and prominence, showing the relevance of a relationship between the presence of political and policy ideas. The participation of these women in various committees of the Chamber of De puties and the range of propositions of his own in different thematic areas, visibility beyond that achieved during their careers and in proportional elections of 2010, can contribute effectively so that more women will achieve political power since as the y gain more prominence and visibility, increase political capital and demonstra te the potential of woman to conquer spaces historically relegated only to males / A presente dissertação tem como objetivo principal analisar a represe ntação da mulher na Câmara dos Deputados, especificamente as parlamentares gaúchas no período entre 2007 e 2011. A proposta deste trabalho é investigar a trajetória, o mandato e a campanha para reeleição dessas mulheres que compunham a bancada feminina do Rio Grande do Sul, na 53ª Legislatura da Câmara Federal. A atuação destas representantes é investigada a partir de momentos distintos de participação no campo político: na trajetória que percorreram na construção de suas carreiras políticas, no momento da representação (na arena legislativa) e na busca do voto para se manterem no cargo (arena eleitoral). Essa análise se dá à luz de conceitos sobre representação política, reconhecimento e capital político. Além disso, traz as discussões acerca da sub -represe ntação feminina na política institucional brasileira e um breve relato da trajetória do movimento feminista no Brasil. Aborda, ainda, sobre as teorias políticas feministas e a inserção da mulher nos partidos políticos no Brasil. Os dados para pesquisa empírica foram retirados, principalmente, dos endereços eletrônicos da Câmara Federal, do Tribunal Superior eleitoral e dos blogs das representantes. Concluiu-se que a presença da mulher gaúcha no parlamento federal, mais especificamente na Câmara de Deputados , tem sido importante na política institucional brasileira. Seus trabalhos e ideias aos poucos ganham força e destaque, mostrando a relevância de uma relação entre a política de presença e a política de ideias. A participação destas mulheres em diversas Comissões da Câmara de Deputados e o leque de proposições de sua autoria em diferentes áreas temáticas, além da visibilidade que alcançaram durante suas trajetórias e nas eleições proporcionais de 2010, pode contribuir efetivamente para que mais mulheres venham a alcançar poder político, já que à medida que ganham maior destaque e visibilidade, aumentam o capital político e demonstram o potencial da mulher para a conquista de espaços historicamente relegados apenas ao sexo masculino

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael_Bruno_Goncalves_Dissertacao.pdf: 1397877 bytes, checksum: fd77130e8b3288827ea7c68edff588ac (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-26 / O presente estudo tem como objetivo principal analisar o comportamento discursivo do segmento evangélico na Câmara Federal, de 2003 a 2006, a partir dos pronunciamentos identificados nas sessões do Grande Expediente. O termo evangélico utilizado nesta dissertação recobre todas as denominações pentecostais, neopentecostais e protestantes históricas identificadas no Brasil no período investigado. A 52ª Legislatura, eleita em 2002, representou o ápice da participação dos evangélicos na política institucional. Atentos aos temas que entravam em pauta durante o exercício legislativo, estes parlamentares evangélicos demonstraram uma maior preocupação em torno de quatro grandes temáticas identificadas neste período: a entrada em vigor do novo Código Civil brasileiro em 2003, o Projeto de Lei de Biossegurança nº. 2.401/2003, a proposta de reforma política representada no Projeto de Lei nº. 2679/2003 e os escândalos de corrupção que abalaram a 52ª Legislatura. Para realizar a análise discursiva em torno destas temáticas, esta pesquisa terá como principal referencial a teoria de Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe, identificando, a partir deste aporte, o discurso enquanto prática política. Ao abordar o comportamento discursivo evangélico, apoiado nesta teoria, o presente trabalho pretende trazer subsídios para o campo das ciências sociais sobre a conexão entre política e religião no poder legislativo brasileiro, verificando assim, a existência ou não de uma bancada evangélica coesa neste espaço político de atuação