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The present study deals with the syntax of the Arabic dialect of Abha in south-west of Saudi Arabia It is a synchronic study which deals with the everyday usage of the dialect. Diachronic changes are sometimes indicated where relevant. The phonology and morphology of the dialect are discussed in brief where necessary. This dialect has many distinctive features some of which do not occur in other dialects. The dialect is going through remarkable change due to people's tendency to change affected by the spread of education, mass media and communication. Thus the study has been conducted to examine some syntactic features of the dialect and record them before the dialect loses those features, and to make this dialect accessible for further research in sociolinguistic or diachronic studies. This study comes in two parts. The first part deals with the classification of the main parts of speech and their function in context. This part comprises four chapters: the first chapter deals with the noun and its sub-classes; the second chapter deals with the verb and its relation with the pronouns; the third chapter deals with particles and their functions in the sentence; the fourth chapter deals with functionals and their functions in the sentence. The second part examines the relationships between parts of speech. This part also comprises four chapters which deal respectively with: predication, annexation, complementation and attnbution.

本論文通過事件語義學的理論框架，以跨語言的視角來研究漢語普通話中空間表達方式的句法及語義問題。通過對空間概念在語言中的編碼的深入研究，我們將能夠對語言獨特性以及潛藏在表層差異下的語言共性有更多瞭解。本研究中討論的可能的語言共性包括：動詞的事件類型轉換（Smith 1997；Rothstein 2004），空間介詞短語是事件修飾語（Parsons 1990），以及目的物-參照物非對稱性（Miller and Johnson-Laird 1976；Talmy 1983）。這些語言共性使我們能夠解釋和描述漢語普通話中"在"引領的空間介詞短語的分佈和解讀--它們是由與"在"連用的動詞的事件結構決定的（Fong 1997； Liu 2009）。當"在"短語出現在放置類動詞（一種完成體動詞）前時，它們可能會有歧義，因為它們可以修飾兩個子事件中的任何一個。當"在"短語出現在姿態類動詞後時，它們表達一個靜態位置或是一個動作的結果位置，因為動詞經歷了從狀態體（它的預設事件類型）到成就體（它的衍生事件類型）的事件類型轉換。在普通話口語中，只有事件結構中含有動態或結果狀態的動詞可以後接"在"短語。能進入雙論元處所主語句的動詞的事件結構中也必須含有動態或結果狀態。 / 漢語普通話還有它的獨特性和複雜性：參照物的軸向信息在普通話中是由方位詞表達的，方位詞的詞類是名詞還是後置詞仍在討論之中；方位詞短語的構成規則很複雜，根據方位詞所帶的名詞短語的不同有不同的變體。 / 本研究由語料庫研究和實驗組成：語料庫涵蓋了1歲9個月到6歲的普通話兒童的語料，實驗測試了2到6歲5個兒童組和一個成人對比組。我們發現語言輸入中不一致的線索給語言習得帶來困難：有些兒童到6 歲還會省略必須要的方位詞，有的會接受專有處所名詞後加不該加的方位詞"裡"；4 歲兒童對不合法的"動詞-處所"語序接受度明顯高過成人，因為普通話中處所的概念可以在不同的句法位置實現。兒童對規則的過度泛化顯示了基於規則的學習機制。認知發展對方位詞的習得順序以及兒童對直指性代詞、視者中心參照系統和順向參照策略的依賴均有影響。 / 本研究也解決了一些語言學理論問題。兒童早在 3 歲就掌握了"在"引領的介詞短語的歧義，證明了"事件"這一範疇的存在，以及事件類型轉換、（子）事件修飾的心理真實性。放置類動詞前的"在"短語更傾向于被兒童及成人解讀為終點，說明該類動詞的事件結構中結果狀態更為顯著。姿態類動詞後的"在"短語更傾向于被兒童及成人解讀為處所，顯示該類動詞的基本事件類型是狀態。在產出方位詞短語時，兒童比成人更傾向使用"的"。因為"的"後只能接名詞，兒童語料支持了Li（1990）方位詞是名詞的觀點。 / This dissertation examines the syntax and semantics of Mandarin spatial expressions from a comparative perspective grounded in the theoretical framework of event semantics. A thorough understanding of the linguistic encoding of space enables us to gain insight into language specificity, and language universals underlying surface variation. The putative language universals discussed in this study include aspect shift of the verb (Smith 1997; Rothstein 2004), spatial PPs as event modifiers (Parsons 1990), and Figure-Ground asymmetry (Miller and Johnson-Laird 1976; Talmy 1983). These universals allow us to account for, for instance, the distribution and interpretation of Mandarin spatial PPs headed by zai, which are determined by the event structure of the co-occurring verbs (Fong 1997; Liu 2009). When zai-PPs occur before a placement verb, an Accomplishment, they are potentially ambiguous due to subevent modification of the PPs. When zai-PPs occur after a posture verb, they express a static location, or a result location, since the verb undergoes aspect shift from State, its default event type, to Achievement, the derived one. In spoken Mandarin, only verbs that have a dynamic/result state component in their event structures can take postverbal zai-PPs. Verbs that can enter two-argument locative subject constructions should also have a dynamic/result state in their event structures. / Mandarin has its language-specific properties and complexities: information about the axial parts of the reference entity is encoded by localizers in Mandarin, whose status as nouns or postpositions is still debated; Mandarin LP-formation is complex, with some variants depending on the nature of the DP subcategorized by the localizer. / The present study includes a corpus study of Mandarin-speaking children aged between 1;9 and 6;0, and an experimental study on five groups of children (2-, 3-, 4-, 5- and 6-year olds) with an adult control group. Inconsistent cues in the input slow down acquisition: children up to 6;0 omitted localizers that are obligatory, and allowed the localizer li ‘inside’ to follow proper names; 4-year-olds significantly differed from adults in tolerating non-target V-Location word order, as the mapping of Location to syntactic position is not consistent. Children’s overgeneralization indicates a rule-based learning mechanism. Cognitive development manifests its influence on the acquisition orders of localizers and children’s reliance on deictic pronouns, the viewer-centered perspective and the aligned reference strategy. / The empirical findings help to resolve some linguistic issues. Children as young as 3;0 are sensitive to the ambiguity of zai-PPs with placement verbs and posture verbs, providing ontogenetic evidence for the category of event, and for the psychological reality of aspect shift and (sub)event modification. The directional reading of preverbal zai-PPs with placement verbs is preferred over the locational one by children and adults, suggesting the salience of the result state in the event structure of placement verbs. The locational reading is preferred to the directional one by children and adults, as the default event type of posture verbs is State. In forming LPs, children used de, which takes nouns after it, more than adults, supporting Li’s (1990) analysis of localizers as nouns. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Deng, Xiangjun. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 314-324). / Abstracts also in Chinese; appendixes includes Chinese.

粤語的句末助詞相當豐富，能表達時間、焦點、語氣等多種意義，在過去曾引起廣泛的討論。在日常話語中，助詞往往可以多個連用，它們在句法上處於不同的層次，連用時，是一層一層的疊加。另一點值得注意的是，除了單音節助詞之外，粤語也有一些雙音節的助詞，如「罷啦」（baa2laa1）、「係啦」（hai2laa1），它們整體和前面的句子結合，學者一般認為它們跟助詞連用的情況不同。本文對粤語複合助詞進行了深入的討論，先考察它們的語義功能和語法特點，再探討它們的句法結構，並主張複合助詞是由句法產生的。 / 除了典型的複合助詞「罷啦」和「係啦」之外，本文也把「定啦」（ding2laa1）和「得㗎」（dak1gaa2）分析為複合助詞，四者都由一個謂詞性成分和一個功能性成分組成。在語義上，它們的意義跟其組成成分都有密切的關係，是兩者語義的相加。本文探討了它們的各種語義和用法，並指出它們的一詞多義現象可以透過「行」、「知」、「言」三域的跨域投射理論去解釋。 / 在語法特點方面，複合助詞與前面小句的配搭存在較多的限制；相反，單音節語氣助詞與前面小句的配搭則非常自由，這反映出複合助詞與前面的小句之間存在著一種緊密的關係，可以理解為一種選擇的關係。 / 因此，我們主張複合助詞在句法的深層結構可以分解為〔詞根（謂詞性成分）+詞綴（功能性成分）〕，謂詞性詞根是VP的中心語，選擇小句作為其補足語，通過謂詞性詞根由V到T再到C的移動，與處於T和C的後綴結合成複合助詞，另外，通過小句的移位，推導出表面的語序。 / 透過以上分析，本文對所謂「複合」作出了重新思考，指出「複合」和「連用」的本質其實是一致的。在深層句法結構中，各個成分處於不同的句法層次，一層一層的疊加，分別只在於助詞可以獨用，但複合助詞的謂詞性成分不能脫離後綴獨立使用。此外，本文的討論亦揭示了粤語句末成分由實變虛的可能性。 / Cantonese is renowned for having a rich inventory of sentence final particles which can express a large variety of meanings, such as time, focus and mood, etc. They have attracted a lot of interest in the literature. In daily conversations, particles can be used individually or successively. When they co-occur, they are located at different levels in the syntactic hierarchy. Even more intriguing is that there are some sentence final particles consisting of two or more syllables, which are known as "compound particles", such as baa2laa1 and hai2laa1. Previous studies suggest that they are different from the successive use of particles, because the two or more syllables in a compound particle attach to the preceding clause as a whole. The thesis investigates the semantic meanings and grammatical properties of compound particles. It also explores the syntactic structure of compound particles and argues that they are derived in syntax. / In addition to baa2laa1 and hai2laa1, the thesis considers also ding2laa1 and dak1gaa2 as compound particles. All of them consist of a predicative element and a functional element. Semantically, they are closely related to their components. The thesis demonstrates that different semantic meanings conveyed by a single compound particle are derived by metaphorical projections among various linguistic domains, such as the content, epistemic and speech act domains. / In terms of grammatical properties, the thesis has found that compound particles impose more constraints on the various constituents in the clauses that they are attached to, whereas the combinations of monosyllabic sentence final particles and the preceding clauses are less restricted or almost free. This phenomenon reveals the close relationship between compound particles and their preceding clauses, which can be interpreted as a kind of selectional relation. / For this reason, the thesis proposes that compound particles are decomposed into〔root（predicative element）+ suffix (functional element)〕in the underlying syntactic structure. The predictive element is the head of VP which selects a clause as its complement. The predicative element moves from V to T to C and forms a compound with the suffixes that are located at T and C. The surface word order is derived by further movement of the clause. / From the above analysis, the thesis re-examines the nature of "compound particles" and "successive use of particles". It suggests that they are consistent in their underlying structures with each of the elements occupies the head position of different phrases. The major difference between them is that every particle in a sequence can be used independently, whereas the predicative element in a compound particle cannot be separated from the suffix. Moreover, the thesis reveals the possible grammaticalization of the sentence final elements. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 黃卓琳. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 178-183). / Abstracts also in English. / Huang Zhuolin.

Wong, Ying Wai. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 56-60). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Acknowledgement --- p.i / Abstract --- p.iii / 摘要 --- p.iv / Contents --- p.v / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Tones in Continuous Speech --- p.4 / Chapter 2.1 --- Production of tones --- p.4 / Chapter 2.2 --- Perception of tones --- p.7 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Tone Production --- p.9 / Chapter 3.1 --- Tones in isolation - Experiment 1 --- p.9 / Introduction --- p.10 / Material --- p.10 / Recording and F0 extraction --- p.10 / Results and discussion --- p.11 / Chapter 3.2 --- Tones in context - Experiment 2 --- p.13 / Introduction --- p.14 / Material --- p.15 / Recording and F0 extraction --- p.16 / Results - Anticipatory effect --- p.17 / Results - Carryover effect --- p.18 / Results - Pitch target computation --- p.20 / Results - Magnitude of variation --- p.21 / Chapter 3.3 --- Discussion --- p.22 / Relative magnitude of contextual variations --- p.23 / Cantonese T4 in context --- p.24 / Further generalizations --- p.25 / Chapter 3.4 --- Summary of findings --- p.27 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Tone Perception --- p.28 / Chapter 4.1 --- Temporal distribution of tonal information - Expt. 3 and 4 --- p.29 / Experiment 3 - Stimulus recording --- p.29 / Experiment 3 - Stimulus preparation --- p.31 / Experiment 3 - Procedure --- p.31 / Experiment 3 - Results --- p.32 / Experiment 4 - Stimulus preparation --- p.33 / Experiment 4 - Procedure --- p.34 / Experiment 4 - Results --- p.34 / Chapter 4.2 --- Effect of intensity 一 Experiment 5 --- p.36 / Stimulus preparation --- p.37 / Procedure --- p.38 / Results - Tone identification responses --- p.38 / Results - Effect of intensity --- p.40 / Chapter 4.3 --- Contour tone perception - Experiment 6 --- p.43 / Stimulus preparation --- p.43 / Procedure --- p.44 / Results --- p.44 / Chapter 4.4 --- Summary of findings --- p.46 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Conclusions and Discussion --- p.47 / Chapter 5.1 --- Tone Production --- p.47 / Typology of tone rules --- p.48 / Acquisition of tone production --- p.49 / Chapter 5.2 --- Tone Perception --- p.50 / Evidence from Speech Production Phenomena --- p.50 / Role of the first half --- p.52 / Acquisition of tone perception --- p.53 / Bibliography --- p.56

Wai Suk-kwan. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 123-133). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.i / Abstract in Chinese --- p.iii / Acknowledgement --- p.iv / List of Abbreviations --- p.vii / Chapter Chapter One: --- Preliminaries / Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction ´ؤ Aspect --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Telicity - a definition --- p.1 / Chapter 1.3 --- Event Classification --- p.4 / Chapter 1.4 --- Some Terminology --- p.7 / Chapter 1.5 --- Subevent Structure --- p.10 / Chapter 1.5.1 --- Grimshaw (1990) --- p.10 / Chapter 1.5.2 --- "Pustejovsky (1994, 1998)" --- p.12 / Chapter 1.6 --- Summary --- p.19 / Chapter 1.7 --- Organization of the Thesis --- p.19 / Chapter Chapter Two: --- Event Structure in Syntax / Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.21 / Chapter 2.2 --- "Borer (1994, 1998)" --- p.21 / Chapter 2.3 --- "Ritter and Rosen (1998, 2000)" --- p.30 / Chapter 2.4 --- "Travis (1992, 1994, 2000a, 2000b)" --- p.34 / Chapter 2.5 --- Slabakova (2001) --- p.44 / Chapter 2.6 --- An evaluation --- p.47 / Chapter 2.7 --- Summary --- p.49 / Chapter Chapter Three: --- Telicity in Cantonese / Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.50 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- Cantonese: an overview --- p.50 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- Viewpoint aspect in Cantonese --- p.51 / Chapter 3.1.3 --- Situation types in Cantonese --- p.57 / Chapter 3.2 --- The position of the object relative to the duration phrase --- p.60 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Atelic events: activities --- p.60 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Telic events: achievements and accomplishments --- p.62 / Chapter 3.3 --- Towards an explanation --- p.64 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- ED and SCE interpretations --- p.65 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- Base position of the object --- p.67 / Chapter 3.3.3 --- The syntax-semantics mismatch --- p.70 / Chapter 3.4 --- An account --- p.73 / Chapter 3.4.1 --- The syntax of activities --- p.73 / Chapter 3.4.2 --- The syntax of accomplishments --- p.79 / Chapter 3.4.3 --- The syntax of achievements --- p.81 / Chapter 3.5 --- Summary --- p.86 / Chapter Chapter Four: --- Telicity in Cantonese - the D-pronoun / Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.88 / Chapter 4.2 --- The pronoun keoi5 - a general description --- p.88 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- Keoi5 as a referential pronoun --- p.88 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Keoi5 as an appositive pronoun --- p.90 / Chapter 4.2.3 --- Keoi5 as a measurative pronoun --- p.90 / Chapter 4.2.4 --- Keoi5 as a D-pronoun --- p.91 / Chapter 4.3 --- Properties of the D-pronoun --- p.93 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- General properties --- p.94 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- Non-assertedness / irrealis --- p.97 / Chapter 4.3.3 --- Boundedness --- p.98 / Chapter 4.3.4 --- Agentivity --- p.103 / Chapter 4.3.5 --- Properties of the object --- p.103 / Chapter 4.4 --- An account --- p.105 / Chapter 4.4.1 --- Cantonese keoi5 vs. Mandarin gei --- p.105 / Chapter 4.4.2 --- Licensing of the D-pronoun --- p.108 / Chapter 4.4.3 --- A final note: D-pronoun in delimitative aspect --- p.116 / Chapter 4.5 --- Summary --- p.118 / Chapter Chapter Five: --- Conclusion / Chapter 5.1 --- Summary of the study --- p.119 / Chapter 5.2 --- Suggestions for further studies --- p.121 / Bibliography --- p.123

Chan Shuen-ti Roy. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 164-172). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / List of Figures --- p.8 / List of Tables --- p.9 / Chapter 1 --- Cantonese gwai2 in focus --- p.10 / Chapter 1.1 --- Background --- p.10 / Chapter 1.2 --- A short description --- p.11 / Chapter 1.3 --- Goal of research --- p.15 / Chapter 1.4 --- Organization --- p.17 / Chapter 1.5 --- On terminologies --- p.17 / Chapter 1.6 --- On styles --- p.17 / Chapter 1.6.1 --- Glossing --- p.17 / Chapter 1.6.2 --- Notations --- p.18 / Chapter 1.6.3 --- Abbreviations --- p.19 / Chapter 2 --- Synchronic description of gwai2 --- p.20 / Chapter 2.1 --- Data in existing works --- p.20 / Chapter 2.1.1 --- Gwai2 in words --- p.21 / Chapter 2.1.2 --- Gwai2 with degree modifiers --- p.25 / Chapter 2.1.3 --- Gwai2 with verbal particles --- p.27 / Chapter 2.1.4 --- Gwai2 with aspect markers --- p.28 / Chapter 2.1.5 --- Gwai2 as negator --- p.31 / Chapter 2.2 --- Puzzles in previous works --- p.36 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- On terminologies --- p.36 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Intensifier --- p.38 / Chapter 2.3 --- Summary --- p.39 / Chapter 3 --- Collecting new data: Methodology --- p.40 / Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.40 / Chapter 3.2 --- Judgment data and the linguists' intuition --- p.40 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Intuition vs. judgment --- p.41 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Grammaticality vs. acceptability --- p.41 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- Factors affecting grammaticality judgment --- p.43 / Chapter 3.2.4 --- The usual practice --- p.45 / Chapter 3.3 --- Approaches taken in this thesis --- p.46 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- Interview --- p.48 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- Questionnaire --- p.48 / Chapter 3.3.3 --- Corpus study --- p.48 / Chapter 3.3.4 --- Modeling grammaticality judgment: Controlled experiment --- p.49 / Chapter 3.4 --- Conclusion --- p.56 / Chapter 4 --- Further synchronic evidence of gwai2 --- p.57 / Chapter 4.1 --- Corpus statistics --- p.57 / Chapter 4.2 --- Intuitive data --- p.58 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- Gwai2 and word length --- p.58 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Gwai2 and verb types --- p.61 / Chapter 4.2.3 --- Gwai2 and swear words --- p.63 / Chapter 4.3 --- Questionnaire data --- p.63 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- Gwai2 and adjectives --- p.64 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- "Gwai2, sei2 and degree modifier hou2" --- p.65 / Chapter 4.3.3 --- "Gwai2, sei2, hou2 and degree adverb gam3" --- p.67 / Chapter 4.4 --- Experimental data --- p.67 / Chapter 4.4.1 --- Participants --- p.68 / Chapter 4.4.2 --- gwai2 and aspect markers --- p.68 / Chapter 4.4.3 --- gwai2gam3 vs gam3gwai2 --- p.69 / Chapter 4.5 --- Conclusion --- p.72 / Chapter 5 --- Diachronic perspective of gwai2 --- p.73 / Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction to grammaticalization --- p.74 / Chapter 5.1.1 --- Motivation of grammaticalization --- p.74 / Chapter 5.1.2 --- Mechanisms in grammaticalization --- p.75 / Chapter 5.1.3 --- Interaction of reanalysis and analogy --- p.77 / Chapter 5.2 --- Grammaticalization of gwai2 --- p.79 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- First stage: gwai2 as an lexical morpheme --- p.79 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- Second stage: From lexical to functional --- p.81 / Chapter 5.2.3 --- Third stage: Emergence of adverbial hou2gwai2 --- p.88 / Chapter 5.2.4 --- "Fourth stage: ""Infix"" and adjective negator" --- p.94 / Chapter 5.2.5 --- Fifth stage: gwai2 in verbal compounds --- p.96 / Chapter 5.2.6 --- Independent development: gwai2 and devil negation --- p.99 / Chapter 5.2.7 --- Grammaticalization and grammaticality judgment --- p.103 / Chapter 5.3 --- Conclusion --- p.104 / Chapter 6 --- Formal properties of gwai2 --- p.106 / Chapter 6.1 --- Introduction --- p.106 / Chapter 6.2 --- Interaction of gwai2 with Cantonese aspectual system --- p.107 / Chapter 6.3 --- Syntactic category of gwai2 --- p.109 / Chapter 6.4 --- Interpretation of gwai2 --- p.111 / Chapter 6.4.1 --- Gwai2 as an intensifier --- p.112 / Chapter 6.4.2 --- Gwai2 as a modal operator --- p.115 / Chapter 6.5 --- The syntax of gwai2 --- p.120 / Chapter 6.5.1 --- Theoretical apparatus --- p.120 / Chapter 6.5.2 --- Gwai2 in adjectives --- p.121 / Chapter 6.5.3 --- Gwai2 in resultative verb compound --- p.125 / Chapter 6.5.4 --- Gwai2 between verb and aspect marker --- p.137 / Chapter 6.6 --- Conclusion --- p.145 / Chapter 7 --- Issues unresolved --- p.146 / Chapter 8 --- Summary --- p.149 / Chapter A --- Experiment materials --- p.153 / Chapter A.1 --- gwai2 and aspect markers --- p.153 / Chapter A.2 --- gwai2gam3 vs. gam3gwai2 --- p.156 / Chapter B --- Screen-shots of WebExp Experimental Software --- p.160 / References --- p.164

Thesis (M.A. (Translation studies and linguistics)) --University of Limpopo, 2009 / This mini-dissertation describess the phonological structure of Tshimanḓa dialect, comparing it with the standard Tshivenḓa. The study shows the historical background of Tshimanḓa dialect and also points out that Tshimanda is a dialect spoken by Vhalaudzi of Lwamondo, Gwamasenga, Tshimbupfe and Luonde in Limpopo Province, South Africa. The study has revealed two aspects which characterise Tshimanda dialect. Tshimanda dialect is characterized by the omission of two speech sounds, namely, ‘l’ and ‘w’. In some instances the omission of the speech sound ‘l’ in Tshimanda dialect gives a word a different meaning than the one in standard Tshivenda.

Thesis (M. A.)--University of Hong Kong, 2006. / Title proper from title frame. Also available in printed format.