從企業外交到企業外交官 / The quest toward competitiveness, legitimacy and sustainability in our globalized world involves a growing number of factors; not only financial, marketing or commercial (called market parameters) but also political, legal, social, environmental (non-market parameters). That is where “business diplomacy” (such as stakeholder management, issue management and environmental scanning) comes in. This unique concept has been coined to ensure the link between multinational companies and their non-market environments. As a matter of fact however, a position of “business diplomat” does not exist yet. The domains of business diplomacy are horizontally splited between different business departments and vertically decentralized across different geographic levels. The strategies and actions resulting from this siloed approach are likely to be inconsistent, inefficient and even counterproductive. My model is designed to fill this gap between theory and practice and create an integrated approach toward the non-market environments. The central argument is to superimpose the domains and layers of business diplomacy, instead of displaying them side-by-side. The ensuing intersections give rise to new areas which form a new domain at the interface between the horizontal overlaps and vertical interdependencies of the non-market context. I propose that this domain should be the responsibility of a new business position: the “business diplomat”. Keywords: Non-market environments, Public Affairs, Corporate Political Activities

James Keenan served as United States consul to Hong Kong for eight years beginning in 1853. Keenan's career demonstrated the difficulties faced by United States consuls in the Far East. Many of the problems Keenan faced during his career resulted from the juxtaposition of a man predisposed to controversy with one of the most ambiguous posts in United States consular service. Keenan's career involved him in difficulties with a United States naval commander, British authorities in Hong Kong, a United States commissioner to China, his temporary successor in Hong Kong, and even the State Department. During his career, Keenan anticipated legislative changes regarding United States consuls. Nevertheless Keenan's colorful career won him many British and American friends. However, his predeliction for controversy damaged his effectiveness as United States consul.

台灣的外交處境向來艱困，一方面在爾虞我詐的現實國際政治環境求生存原本不易，復以我國駐外人員相較於歐美等先進國家駐外人員而言，駐外工作更為艱辛。為能提供駐外人員相當的奧援與誘因，讓正在前線服務的駐外人員全心投入拓展我國際生存空間、維持國家利益的外交工作，亦為吸引優秀人才投入外交行列。惟有公平合理的待遇制度，不但可以吸引及留住人才，並且可以滿足工作者在生理、安全和社交上的需求，甚至提升自尊的感覺和自我實現的機會。 我國駐外人員的待遇除了無法適時隨國外政經條件而調整外，薪俸結構本身亦缺乏調整匯兌風險之設計，使得我國駐外人員待遇產生種種不合理現象，近年來由於駐地生活環境變遷及國際油價波動劇烈，造成通貨膨脹等因素，部分駐外館處所在之駐在國之經濟、社會、民生等發展現況或生活艱困程度均產生變化，為合理反映各駐地之實際生活現況，宜建立彈性調整機制，以檢視各駐地地域加給支給數額合理性之必要。 鑒於上述研究動機，本論文藉由文獻分析及德菲法為研究方法，經由專家一致性意見，探討「我國駐外人員待遇制度」之合理性，發現我國駐外人員待遇結構、待遇調整、地域加給標準及匯兌損失等方面的問題，並據以提出相關建議，期使我國駐外人員待遇制度更臻於合理。 / Taiwan's diplomatic situation always encounters with difficulties. For one thing, it is not easy to survive in the international political environment of reality. For another, our diplomats confront more frustration than their counterparts of the Western countries. We should provide more supports and incentives to propel the frontline diplomats to concentrate on the expansion of our international space and the protection of our national benefits, and additionally, to recruit more outstanding diplomatic potential elites. Justly and reasonable compensation system not only attracts and retains talents but fulfill the workers’ physical, security and social needs. The self-esteem can be promoted and the self-realization can be also achieved. The compensation system of our diplomats stationed abroad is not adjusted in accordance with overseas political and economic situations conditionally, and the compensation structure lacks in readjustment to the risk in currency exchange fluctuations, resulting in various unreasonable phenomena. In recent years the station environments have been changing and the oil price has been swaying, causing the inflation as well as the vicissitudes economically, socially, and in livelihood. Thus, we should build a flexible mechanism in inspection of compensations and bonuses to reasonably reflect real life conditions at stations. Based on the research motivations mentioned above, this paper investigates the reasonableness of our Compensation System of Diplomats Stationed Abroad by the literature review and the Delphi method with the experts’ unanimity. Besides, it also seeks to disclose the problems in the compensation structure, adjustment, bonuses and exchange losses, and to propose suggestions to improve the system.

This research examines how Turkish newspapers approached the Armenian terrorism which emerged in the years between 1973 and 1984 as the third wave since the late 19th century. The Armenian terrorist organizations officially emerged in 1975 in order to show the world their rightfulness in terms of the so-called Armenian genocide, assassinating Turkish diplomats, including ambassadors and their families, in a planned and systematic fashion within these 11 years. These terrorist activities accelerated from time to time. Along with the accelerated Armenian terror, domestic terrorism and political disorder were the other developments in Turkey. Within the context of such difficulties, the extent of Armenian terrorist activities and the changes in the politically varied Turkish newspapers&#039 / regarding Armenian terrorism within these 11 years are examined thoroughly.

Univ., Diss.--München, 2006. / Literaturverz. S. [417] - 447.

Thesis (M.S.W.)--Smith College School for Social Work, Northampton, Mass., 2008. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 132-138).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1967. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 604-621).

This study is about South Africa’s diplomatic initiatives in the DRC from 1990 to 2009. It concentrates on the implementation of the transitional phase to prepare for the elections in 2006 and the implementation of the post conflict reconstruction and development (PCRD) projects from 2006 onwards. The study argues that South Africa’s ability to facilitate peace which ended a full-scale war in the DRC should be highly commended as one of its diplomatic achievements. Its experience of negotiations and mediation to end apartheid has placed it in a favourable position amongst other global players. It supported its ambition of ensuring that the development of the African Continent is prioritized on the global agenda. However, South Africa does not have any experience in transitional diplomacy and this study has highlighted that it needs sufficient capacity and strategies first before it engages in it. Such capacity should be informed by a full understanding of the receiving country in order to prepare the diplomats accordingly. Clarity of South Africa’s national interest in pursuing transitional diplomacy seems weak and therefore confuses ‘teams on the ground’ as they are not always sure how to manouvre within a very complex and highly contested country like the DRC. The role of the international community, members of the Great Lakes and the Congolese population has been highlighted as being critical to assist the DRC to achieve stability and sustainable peace. Without political will and leadership from the DRC leaders themselves, all diplomatic efforts will be futile. Ten years is a very short time to assess the success of post-conflict reconstruction activities but useful lessons have been drawn from this evaluation. They have enhanced our understanding of transitional diplomacy and some of them can be used as models and guidelines which will improve intervention in future projects. / Dissertation (MDiplomatic Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

On 4 April, 1957 Egerton Herbert Norman, Canada's Ambassador to Egypt, committed suicide in Cairo. Norman's death was a direct result of sustained American allegations that he was threat to western security. The controversy surrounding his suicide was rekindled in 1986 with the publication of two biographies of Norman. James Barros contends in No Sense of Evil that Norman should have been removed from his high position in Canada's Department of External Affairs because he constituted a security risk. Barros hypothesises about the possibility of a DEA cover-up of Norman's Marxist past (Norman had briefly been a member of the British Communist Party when he was a student at Cambridge) and indeed suggests that Minister of External Affairs, Lester B. Pearson might have been Moscow's ultimate 'mole' who, by defending Norman, was protecting his espionage ring. In Innocence is Not Enough, author Roger Bowen takes issue with such interpretations of Norman's life, scholarship and career. Although Norman had been a Communist, Bowen concludes that no evidence exists to suggest that he was disloyal to Canada. Norman was caught up in a maelstrom of anti-communist hysteria which caused him to be unjustifiably vilified and harassed by the agents of McCarthyism in an era of Cold War paranoia. Instead of choosing a side in the current debate, I have sought to widen it by approaching the story of Norman as a case study in Canadian foreign policy. An examination of Canadian internal security policies in the postwar era, Canada's relationship with the United States and Great Britain, and of Norman himself reveals that the issue at hand is far too complex to be amenable to easy analysis. This thesis was written with the achievement of a more objective analysis as its primary goal. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

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